INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE CENTRES & THE TRANSMISSION OF KNOWLEDGE A THESIS PRESENTED FOR THE MASTER OF ENVIRONMENTAL SCIENCE DEGREE LAKEHEAD UNIVERSITY LISA A. HARRIS 2022 ABSTRACT The research study “Indigenous Knowledge Centres and the Transmission of Knowledge” was undertaken in order to understand the process of Indigenous knowledge (IK) acquisition, storage, and transmission. The undertaking offered a means for participant knowledge centres, in Australia and Canada, to share their wise practices, methods, concepts and ideas amongst other Indigenous Knowledge Centres (IKCs) and aspiring community IKCs. Data were collected from informed participants by means of a personal interview on IKCs and their operations (Bainbridge, Whiteside, & McCalman, 2012) (Gray & Densten, 2005) (Kovach, 2009) (Mills, Van de Bunt, & de Bruijn, 2006). Four IKCs were chosen for the research project: three centres in Canada and one centre in Australia. Indigenous Knowledge Centres were chosen in Canada and Australia because of their similar political and colonial backgrounds as well as the similarity in current governmental relations with Indigenous populations within respective countries. Australia was chosen, in contrast to Canada, because the state of Queensland has one of the most well-known government funded IKC models in the world. Australia is a world leader in terms of developing and analyzing the successes/challenges of IKC’s. The results of the research, based on participants interviewed, align with Chandler and Lalonde (1998), Marks and Lyons (2010), and Duran, Firehammer and Gonzalez (2008). They highlight the essential role culture, land, language, and traditional knowledge can play in the healing of intergenerational trauma in conjunction with Indigenous resurgence and self-determination movements. The importance of cultural revitalization and community healing are evident in this research study. The contributions of the research findings are threefold: 1) They enhance academic understanding of the role IKCs play in the protection of Indigenous knowledge. 2) They identify how IKCs assist in the transmission of Indigenous knowledge; and how IKCs assist in the transmission of Indigenous Knowledge from one generation to another. 3) And, finally, the findings document a set of wise practices from successful established IKCs in Australia and Canada. ACKNOWLEDGEMENT There are truly many people to thank for helping to bring this thesis into being. First, this project could never have happened without the support, guidance, and contribution of the participant IKC’s in Canada and Australia. To Patrick Martel, Raymond Sonfrere, Rosalie Coyen, Verda Tambour, Amos Key, Cindy Crow, and Tereena Hopkins thank you for agreeing to meet with a stranger and welcoming her into your spaces. Your kindness and generosity were and are greatly appreciated. Many future generations will be indebted to you for your tireless efforts to preserve and protect culture, land, language, and spirituality. You are truly inspiring. To Eric Fisher (Wabaseemoong Independent Nations) and Alan Gustafson (Whitesand First Nation), gitchi miigwetch for allowing me to get to know your beautiful communities, for your hospitality, kindness and generosity. Although we can’t go back in time, it is my sincere hope your strong and resilient communities, and the sacred lands they reside upon, will one day have every good thing they desire, and they deserve. A huge thank you to my committee members for their very patient and enduring support. Dr. Rob Robson, my Committee Chair, Dr. Todd Randall, and Dr. Rob Stewart, I am very grateful to you all for the long-term encouragement and the incredible learning opportunity. Thanks for not giving up on me. To my External committee member, Dr. Deborah Simmons, mahsi cho. Finally, a massive thank you to my family and friends who have continued to encourage me through difficult and challenging times. To my parents, Evelyn, and Chuck, and to Leah, and Cath; your continued reassurance and inspiration have helped me more than words can say. To my husband Bill, thank you for taking care of dinners, doing dishes, and always supporting me. To my incredible daughters, Wren, and Kiana, thank you for your patience and understanding. Not everyone’s mom becomes a student and does their homework right alongside you. Love you the whole world, the sun, the moon, and the stars. TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter One - Introduction 1.0 Positionality……………………………………………………………………………………………………….…………………………………….……….1 1.1 Introduction to Research Study …………………………………………………………………………………………………………….………….3 1.2 Statement of the Problem and Significance of the Research Study……………….………………………………………….……….5 1.3 Research Objectives and the Purpose of the Research Undertaking……………………………………………………………...….8 1.4 Overview of Research Undertaking ………………………………………………………….………………………….……….…………………..9 1.5 Special Consideration Within the Research Undertaking…………………………………...…………………………………….……….10 Chapter Two – Literature Review 2.0 Introduction to Literature Review……………………………………………………………………………………………………………….…….14 2.1 An Overview of Indigenous Cultures in Australia and Canada Australia….….………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……....17 Canada…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….19 2.2 Importance of Land, Language, Culture and Spirituality to Indigenous Peoples Importance of Language to Indigenous Cultures and Societies…………………………………………….…………….…….22 Importance of Traditional Lands to Indigenous Knowledge, Culture & Worldview…………….……………….…….24 Importance of Sacred Sites & Ceremonies to Indigenous Societies…………………………..…………………….…………27 2.3 Colonization, Assimilation and Cultural Loss - 1700 to Present Australia Colonization, Assimilation & Cultural Loss in Australia………………………………………………………….…….29 Protected Status Policy in Australia……………………………………………………………………………………….….…32 Assimilation……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….33 Indigenous Peoples & Child Welfare Policy in Australia: The State of Queensland…………………..….36 Canada Colonization, Assimilation & Loss in Canada……………………………………………………………………………….39 Period of Early Contact……………………………………………………………………………………………………………….40 The Period from the Royal Proclamation to Canadian Social Policy………………………………...………….41 Era of Assimilation……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………42 Indigenous Peoples & Child Welfare Policy in Canada……………………………………………………………………….………44 2.4 Devastating Impacts Associated with the Loss of Culture in Human Societies………………………………………….……….45 2.5 Documentation and Efforts to Reclaim Indigenous Knowledge, Land, Language and Culture Traditional Methods of Retaining Indigenous Knowledge………………………………………………………………….…….47 Current Methods to Protect & Retain Indigenous Knowledge, Language & Culture…………………………………49 2.6 IKCs in Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United States Introduction to IKCs……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….…50 The Evolution of IKCs: Access, Retention & Transmission of Culture, Language & Spirituality……………….....52 Museum-Based IKC Model……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….54 Library-Based IKC Model……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….….57 IKCs Operating Within Post-Secondary Institutions……………………………………………………………………………….….61 Community-Based Indigenous Hubs & Culture Centres…………………………………………………………………………..…62 Digitized-Indigenous Knowledge Collections & Virtual Knowledge Transmission…………………………………...…64 First Nations Confederacy of Cultural Education Centres (FNCCEC)……………………………………………………….….65 Challenges, Security & Protocols to Protect Indigenous Knowledge in IKCs………………………………………….…...67 2.7 Significant Gaps Within the Literature……………………………………………………………………………………………………………...71 2.8 Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….….72 Chapter Three – Methodology 3.0 Introduction to Methodology……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..…...74 3.1 Qualitative Inductive Research Research and the Theory of Radical Indigenism…………….…………………………………………………………………….…..76 3.2 Grounded Theory……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..77 3.3 Constructivist Grounded Theory……………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……...78 3.4 Decolonizing of Research Paradigm………………………………………………………………………………………………………….………80 3.5 Indigenous Paradigm and Methodology……………………………………………………………………………………………………….....82 3.6 Ethics, Protocols, Reciprocity and Building Relationship……………………………………………………………………………….....86 3.7 Analysis of Research Methodology………………………………………………………………………………………………………..……......91 3.8 Research Methodology…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….94 Expectations of Research Participant………………………………………………………………………………………………….…….96 Analysis of the Data…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……97 Harm or Potential Risks to Participants………………………………………………………………………………………………….…97 Informed Consent for Research Participants………………………………………………………………………………………..……98 Anonymity, Confidentiality & Storage of Data…………………………………………………………………………………….…….98 Peer Review of Research Proposal………………………………………………………………………………………………….….……..99 Dissemination of the Research Results………………………………………………………………………………………………………99 3.9 Introduction to Research Participants & Their IKCs…………………………………………………………………………………………100 State Library of Queensland & Their 24 Indigenous Knowledge Centres…………………………………………………101 Aboriginal Australians of Queensland & Geographical Description of the Region…………..………...104 Cultural Description of Indigenous Australians in Queensland & Geographical Description of the Region…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………...105 Aboriginal Peoples of the Torres Strait Islands, Australia & Geographical Description of the Region………………………………………………………………………………………………………….…….………….107 Cultural Description of the Indigenous Islanders of the Torres Strait and Geographic Description of the Region………..……………………………………………………………………………………………….108 Yamózha-Kúé, Hay River, Northwest Territories, Canada……….……………………………………….…………………….111 The Dene Nation of the Assembly of First Nations & Geographical Description of the Region......114 Cultural Description of the Peoples……………………………………………………………………………………..…….115 Blue Sky Healing Centre, Thunder Bay, Ontario, Canada….……………………………………………………………………..118 Geographical Description of the Region………………………………………………………………………………….…120 Cultural Description of the Peoples……………………………………………………………………………….…….…….121 Woodland Cultural Centre, Brantford, Ontario, Canada…………………………………………………..…………………….124 Geographical Description of the Region……………………………………………………………………………………126 Cultural Description of the Peoples………………………………………………………………………………….……….127 3.10 Introduction to Wabaseemoong Independent Nations and Whitesand First Nation Wabaseemoong Independent Nations……………….…………………………………………………….………………129 Whitesand First Nation……………………………….….………………………………………………………..………………132 Chapter Four – Results and Discussion 4.0 Introduction to Results and Discussion……………………………………….…………………….…………………………………….………134 4.1 Development of Interview Questions……………………………………………………………….…………………………………….……...134 4.2 Analysis of the Data……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..…138 4.3 Research Findings in Relation to the Research Questions……………………………………………………………………………….138 4.4 Trends and Comparison to Literature and Global Studies………………………………………………………………………….……149 4.5 New Knowledge and Understanding Gained from the Research Findings………………………………………………….……153 Chapter Five – Conclusion 5.0 Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………158 5.1 Significant Conclusions & New Knowledge Contributed to the Data……………………………………………………………….159 Benefits IKCs Can Provide in the Protection & Transmission of Indigenous Knowledge……………………….…..159 Wise Practices and Programming Identified in Participant IKCs…………………………………………………….………..160 Ways of Learning & Acquiring Knowledge………………………………………………………………………………………….……161 Additional Information Gained from the Research Undertaking……………………………………………………….…….162 Logistic Findings……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..163 5.2 Recommendations for Future Research………………………………………………………………………………………………………….163 5.3 Relevance of the Undertaking and Concluding Thoughts………………………………………………………………………………..164 Bibliography………………………….….…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………...……167 Appendices…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..……..178 A. Glossary of Terms B. Research Tools C. Research Findings D. TCPS Certificate CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 1.0 POSITIONALITY I currently work within the Office of Indigenous Initiatives at Lakehead University in Thunder Bay, Ontario, and manage a program called Niijii Indigenous Mentorship. In this role, I work with hundreds of Indigenous youth every year who are eager to learn more about their languages, cultures, and histories. In our current realm of instability, there are many people, young and old, desperate for cultural connection; seeking an understanding of who they are and how they fit into this complicated world. I have several years of professional experience in creating positive and safe learning environments for Indigenous youth, developing culturally appropriate Indigenous curriculum, and working closely with First Nation communities. Ironically, despite feeling a strong connection to Indigenous peoples, and surrounding myself with Indigenous friends, and allies working to advance Indigenous rights and policies, I knew extraordinarily little about my own cultural background. Around the time I started work on this research project the first tangible evidence of my own Indigenous heritage was discovered in documents hidden in the back of my grandparent’s closet. It was a revelation to learn my great-great grandfather, on my dad’s side, was Osage Sioux from Missouri. He was very likely removed from his homelands via the Trail of Tears to Pawnee, Oklahoma. Incredibly, I have ancestors who fought on both sides of the war at the Battle of Little Big Horn (otherwise known as Custer’s Last Stand). While I have only a small piece of the puzzle thus far, this information confirms to me the collateral damage of 1 colonization to Indigenous peoples and their families through out North America. My great- great grandfather, and his family, lost not only their lands, but their culture, and their language. They lost the names given to them at birth, lost their spiritual beliefs, and tragically, lost pride in themselves, their families, and their communities. Too many were made to feel ashamed of their long and beautiful heritage. An honourable and admirable history of peoples simply removed. As an American, my grandfather obtained a job with Ontario Hydro and moved to Canada with my grandmother, my dad, and his siblings during the 1950’s. His job with Ontario Hydro was developing and operating hydro dams in Northwestern Ontario. Despite (or perhaps in-spite of) his own Indigenous ancestry and the losses his own family endured; he was directly involved in flooding First Nation communities for electrical power. I did not grow up on a reserve or in a First Nation community and I cannot speak to that experience. I grew up in a good family with everything I needed, and, while not wealthy I have lived a life of privilege in comparison to others. I understand that many will question if I am Indigenous enough to do the work I do or undertake the research I have. Having Indigenous heritage is clearly different than being or growing up Indigenous and it has fuelled my own internal identity debate. By chance, I had the opportunity a few years ago to attend a conference where a Māori teacher spoke about his lifelong struggle with his Indigenous identity. He relayed how an Elder sat him down one day and told him he was wasting time worrying about the percentage of Māori blood in his veins. The Elder told him “If you have one drop of Māori blood then you have 2 a responsibility to the Māori community”. His words have inspired me to honour those ancestors who were cut from my own family tree and work to further the communities and families who were detrimentally affected by my grandfathers’ actions. My most sincere hopes are that the research findings might, in some small way, benefit Indigenous students, and others, in learning their history, language, and culture, and aid in understanding how they fit into the world around them. 1.1 INTRODUCTION TO THE RESEARCH STUDY The research study entitled “Indigenous Knowledge Centres and the Transmission of Knowledge” was undertaken to better understand the process of Indigenous knowledge (IK) acquisition and the storage and transmission of that same knowledge. The research study offers a means for participant knowledge centres, in Australia and Canada, to share their wise practices, methods, concepts and ideas amongst one another. Finally, in addition to participant IKCs, the research undertaking will impart all information gathered in the study, including methods of knowledge protection and knowledge transmission, to two First Nation communities in Northwestern Ontario (Wabaseemoong Independent Nations and Whitesand First Nation). It is hoped that the information gathered in this research study will provide a better understanding of ● The way in which Indigenous Knowledge Centres function in the protection of Indigenous Knowledge (IK) ● How Indigenous Knowledge Centres benefit the transmission of Indigenous Knowledge from one generation to the next 3 There are three terms which are used repeatedly throughout the research undertaking that must be defined at the outset: Indigenous knowledge, wise practices, and Indigenous Knowledge Centre. These terms are defined here. All other relevant terms can be found in the Glossary of Terms (see Appendix A). Indigenous Knowledge, for the purpose of the research undertaking, is defined as a way of living and a way of doing. It is not knowledge as we know it but rather the life of Indigenous peoples; it is in their personal relationships with the Creator, Mother Earth, with one another and with all living things. Indigenous peoples are at one with the land and “Indigenous knowledge represents an integration of person, place, product and process.” (McGregor, 2004, p. 391). Wise practices, for the purposes of this study, are defined as procedures or solutions that have four main characteristics; they are innovative, make a difference, are sustainable and have the potential for replication (Government of Canada - Public Health Agency of Canada, n.d.) (UNESCO, 2012). Indigenous knowledge centres, or IKCs, are typically physical centres (although not exclusively) that hold and protect Indigenous knowledge in a variety of forms and then facilitate the transmission of that knowledge to the community members to whom the knowledge belongs (Ngulube, 2002). Knowledge centres are quite varied in their methods and in their use; however, they are very much alike in their role to preserve and protect Indigenous knowledge and aid in the transmission of that knowledge. For definition of other terms used in the research study please see Appendix A – Glossary of Terms. 4 1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM & SIGNIFICANCE OF THE RESEARCH STUDY In Canada and Australia significant amounts of Indigenous knowledge has been either lost or stolen, through the processes of colonization and assimilation, since the arrival of Europeans (Armitage, 1995) (Battiste, 2000) (Battiste & Henderson, 2000) (McGregor, 2004) (Simpson, 2004) (Wilson, 2004). In fact, in Australia and Canada, there are many Indigenous languages and knowledges (IK) at risk of being lost forever. There are approximately 70 Indigenous languages spoken in Canada today; most of these languages are considered endangered, and chances of long-term survival are slim (Official Languages and Bilingualism Institute, 2015) (Government of Canada, 2016). There are three that have an excellent chance of long-term survival; Cree, Ojibwa, and those of the Inuit Aleut family. In Australia, the Indigenous language situation is in similar peril (AIATSIS, 2021). The Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies (AIATSIS, n.d.) there were 250+ distinct Indigenous languages spoken across the continent and almost 800 dialects in 1788. In 2016 there were 120 Indigenous languages spoken within Australia. In 2019, it was estimated that 90 of the 120 languages in use are endangered. Although considerable work is underway to document the knowledge of numerous elders and knowledge keepers across Canada, Indigenous scholars and knowledge keepers feel more needs to be done to ensure the transmission of that information (Battiste, 2000) (Battiste & Henderson, 2000) (McGregor, 2004) (Simpson, 2004) (Wilson, 2004). Indigenous knowledge has traditionally been passed orally from one generation to the next, and lessons were learned by example so that the knowledge gained became a way of life. Indigenous communities and scholars in Canada and Australia want to see their knowledge transmitted, and their languages, 5 remain as they have for generations (Battiste, 2000) (Battiste & Henderson, 2000) (McGregor, 2004) (Simpson, 2004) (Nakata & Langton, 2005). To help impede the loss of Indigenous knowledge efforts need to focus on methods of knowledge transmission from knowledge keepers to youth and First Nation community members (Battiste, 2000) (Battiste & Henderson, 2000) (McGregor, 2004) (Simpson, 2004) (Wilson, 2004). Academically, there is much discussion about the loss of Indigenous knowledge; the importance of documenting IK; and the security and ownership of that knowledge. The voices heard in these discussions, the voices of Indigenous scholars, leaders, and community members; are calling for the healing of colonial wounds and the essential restoration of stolen Indigenous knowledge and culture (Battiste, 2009). Indigenous nations, their communities and peoples are working tirelessly to rebuild nations torn down and oppressed by colonization policies. This cultural rebuilding has long been prophesized by the Ojibway people of North America; it is called the Seventh Fire, and it is a re-birth of Indigenous nations and their peoples. “In the time of the Seventh Fire an Osh-ki-bi-ma-di-zeeg (New People) will emerge. They will retrace their steps to find what was left by the trail. Their steps will take them to the elders who they will ask to guide them on their journey. But many elders will have fallen asleep. They will awaken to this new time with nothing to offer. Some of the elders will be silent out of fear. Some of the elders will be silent because no one will ask anything of them. The New People will have to be careful in how they approach the elders. The Task of the New People will not be easy. 6 If the New People remain strong in their quest, the Waterdrum of the Midewiwin Lodge will again sound its voice. There will be a rebirth of the Anishinaabe nation and a rekindling of old flames. The Scared Fire will again be lit.” (Benton-Banai, 1988) ‘Indigenous Knowledge Centres and the Transmission of Knowledge’ is a significant research undertaking because it offers wise practices as a means and method of documenting, protecting, and transmitting Indigenous knowledge while analyzing IKCs and how they operate. There is a gap in the literature when it comes to the wise practices and methods undertaken by Indigenous communities to reclaim land, cultural practices, knowledges, and languages. It is the hope of the researcher that the sharing of the data obtained in this research study will enable Indigenous communities to access the information and use it to support their own plans for cultural transmission. It is hoped this research will raise awareness of how IKCs work to protect Indigenous knowledge and facilitate its transmission from one generation to the next. It is anticipated the research study will also shed light on the effectiveness of an Australian state government/library based IKC model in the creation of a community cultural centre. There is potential for participant IKCs to benefit from this research study as each will receive a copy of the researchers’ findings and a listing of wise practices from participating IKC’s. The conservation of Indigenous knowledge, language and culture and the transmission of this information to Indigenous youth and community members is of such significant importance that time cannot be wasted in re-inventing conservation and transmission methods. Australia 7 and Canada have many political and historical similarities. Perhaps learning from one another’s preservation methods could quicken the pace of cultural conservation and transmission for Indigenous communities in both countries. “Culture is not trivial. It is not a decoration or artifice, the songs we sing or even the prayers we chant. It is a blanket of comfort that gives meaning to lives. It is a body of knowledge that allows the individual to make sense out of the infinite sensations of consciousness, to find meaning and order in a universe that ultimately has neither. Culture is a body of laws and traditions, a moral and ethical code that insulates a people from the barbaric heart that lies just beneath the surface of all human societies and indeed all human beings. Culture alone allows us to reach, as Abraham Lincoln said, for the better angels of our nature.” ― Wade Davis, The Wayfinders: Why Ancient Wisdom Matters in the Modern World (Davis, 2009) 1.3 RESEARCH OBJECTIVES AND THE PURPOSE OF THE RESEARCH UNDERTAKING The research objectives for this undertaking were to look at examples of successful IKC’s in Australia and Canada in order to 1) Determine what benefits Indigenous Knowledge Centres (IKC’s) can provide in the protection and transmission of Indigenous Knowledge (IK), and 2) Establish a list of wise practices from successful IKC’s 3) Look at ways of learning and acquiring knowledge 8 4) Share the findings. The final purpose of the research project is to bring the research findings, gathered from established and successful IKC’s, to First Nation communities in Northwestern Ontario in addition to the study participants. Two First Nation communities in Northwestern Ontario (Whitesand First Nation and Wabaseemoong Independent Nations) expressed an interest in receiving the research findings. They are then free to choose which information might support their plans for cultural transmission in their own communities. Wabaseemoong and Whitesand were asked to join the research project as passive participants for two reasons; they are both communities the researcher had worked with on previous occasions, and, they have been negatively and harmfully affected by flooding as a result of hydro electrical development. 1.4 OVERVIEW OF RESEARCH UNDERTAKING The researcher used a variety of international academic articles on Indigenous knowledge centres to establish a list of IKC characteristics deemed to be successful. The list of characteristics was then used to develop a set interview questions which would generate insight into the research objectives; the benefits IKCs provide, listing of wise practices, and identifying ways of learning and acquiring knowledge. Answers to the research questions were obtained through a literature review as well as a qualitative inductive interview process to determine the wise practices of IKCs in Canada and Australia. Chapter two offers a literature review of the academic literature most relevant to the study of IKCs and the Transmission of Knowledge including historical, political, and cultural 9 information for the Indigenous peoples of Canada and Australia, Indigenous knowledge, colonization, assimilation policies, as well as methods currently undertaken to recover, re-claim and retain Indigenous knowledge, land, language, and culture. Within the chapter are examples of IKCs internationally and an expansion on the concept of IKCs; looking at examples of established centres operating around the world; and an examination of the range of roles, services, and functions they can portray within a community setting. Finally, the literature review will highlight the fact there are relevant gaps in academic writings on IKCs at this date in time. Chapter three discusses the methodological strategy used by the researcher for this undertaking and the reasoning behind the chosen methodology and theory. For the purposes of the research query, data was collected from informed participants by means of a personal interview using general questions on IKCs and their operations ( (Bainbridge, Whiteside, & McCalman, 2012) (Gray & Densten, 2005) (Kovach M. , 2009) (Mills, Van de Bunt, & de Bruijn, 2006). The questions were designed to be open and non-leading to direct the interviews toward general areas of interest while not leading the participant in their thoughts and ideas. Chapter four presents the results obtained from the interview data, discusses the research results, and discerns theory and meaning from within the data. Chapter five concludes the study by summarizing the results and looks to further research possibilities going forward. 1.5 SPECIAL CONSIDERATION WITHIN THE RESEARCH UNDERTAKING Indigenous knowledge requires different protection methods than Western systems of knowledge management (Nakata, Byrne, Nakata, & Gardiner, 2005). Although Indigenous 10 knowledge and ways of knowing includes the traditional knowledge of Elders it is also a knowledge base that is continually growing and changing. Indigenous knowledge is the amalgamation of information gained from many people over many centuries, it is often orally transmitted and comes in many forms (including stories, songs, folklore, cultural values, agricultural practices, local language, beliefs, rituals, community laws, community health, as well as agricultural, fisheries information and horticultural practices). Western missionaries and researchers have documented the traditional knowledge of Indigenous peoples since colonization, and as a result, a considerable amount of knowledge was taken, including sacred knowledge, and is stored in collections around the world without the benefit of cultural protocol and protection. As a result of intergenerational knowledge loss there is immense pressure amongst many Indigenous communities to document the oral teachings of their Elders (Nakata, Byrne, Nakata, & Gardiner, 2005). Unfortunately, Indigenous knowledge is sought by many people for a variety of reasons which range from information on natural medicines, food sources and environmental resource management. Indigenous knowledge is deeply valued and Indigenous communities are justly concerned Western laws do not provide adequate tools for the protection of Indigenous cultural and intellectual property rights. Some difficulty lies with the oral nature of Indigenous knowledge and the idea of communal ownership. In stark contrast Western society upholds the idea of private and personal ownership of anything that can be commodified (Assembly of First Nations, n.d.) . It is crucial that IKCs have strict protocols in place to protect Indigenous knowledge, intellectual property rights and communal property rights when any other institutions are involved in the process. The question of how 11 communities can receive recognition, protection, and compensation, for communal knowledge is a growing part of the literature and conversation at community, national and international levels. It is very important to understand that, while severely affected by colonialism and colonial policies, Indigenous peoples, their culture, worldviews, knowledges, and languages are not going anywhere. Indigenous peoples have clung to their worldviews, knowledges, and languages as tightly as possible while resisting colonial governments and their racist policies for 500 years (Barker, 2015) (Simpson, 2016). While heavy damage has certainly been inflicted Indigenous resistance continues; policies are slowly changing and work to reclaim diminished their lands, languages and knowledges are happening everyday. Following the protest movements of the 1960s and 70’s there are many examples of resistance and positive change including • Idle No More Movement • Truth & Reconciliation Commission Report and National Calls to Action • Orange Shirt Day/National Day for Truth and Reconciliation in Canada • Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women Inquiry in Canada • Indigenous Languages Act passed in Canada June 2019 • Recognition of and increased funding for Indigenous community clean drinking water initiatives • Re-negotiation of treaties to reclaim traditional lands 12 • Countless Indigenous blockades to protect land, water and Indigenous rights from industry and government polices ( (Barker, 2015) (Rutherford, 2020) (Saramo, 2016) (Simpson, 2016). 13 CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW 2.0 INTRODUCTION TO THE LITERATURE To date there has been very little academic research in the field of Indigenous Knowledge Centres and their wise practices. The literature review for the undertaking, includes research on IKCs, closely related topics and knowledge deemed essential to understand the reasons IKCs have been created. It is important to have a good understanding of colonial history and policies to appreciate the purpose behind IKCs. The literature review sheds light on the vital importance of Indigenous knowledge, land, language and culture and the threats they have endured over the past five centuries. The harm colonial governments administered upon Indigenous peoples is difficult to comprehend without recognizing the loss of land, language, and culture in addition to the appalling assimilation policies that have been imposed. It is essential to grasp the impacts such policies and associated behaviours have had upon Indigenous peoples, and it is critical to recognize the need to protect remaining language, traditions, and knowledge so that cultural and community healing can begin to take place. A comprehensive undertaking must also highlight methods used to document cultural information and methods of cultural transmission employed to pass information from one generation to another. Much of the related literature for this research undertaking is in response to assimilation policies employed by colonial governments over centuries. When you remove everything held dear from a collective group of people you essentially destroy them from the inside out and the results are plain to see. There is literature on losses sustained by Indigenous 14 peoples as a result of colonialism, and the number of articles on the healing journey within Indigenous communities is growing. Indigenous peoples and communities are speaking out against the harm they’ve endured for so long and searching for methods of healing with cultural medicine; rediscovering and reclaiming Indigenous histories, lands, language, and culture. Over the past 50 years there has been a growing number of research studies validating the critical importance of cultural resurgence, reclamation of land and the Indigenization of histories, policies, and education within Western society. Resistance grows ever stronger as Indigenous peoples begin, not only to survive, but to thrive, taking back their lands, language, histories, and culture. There are six distinct sections in this literature review: each one gives an overview of current and relevant academic insights. The literature covers a variety of topics meant to inform the reader of conditions before and after the time of European contact, cultural and geographical overviews, colonization, and colonial policies, and the documented effects such policies have upon human societies. The first section gives a brief historic overview of Indigenous peoples and their cultures, in both Australia and Canada. The section looks at Indigenous peoples during the pre-European contact era; during time of contact; the era of colonization; and finally, it examines the issues and conflicts affecting Indigenous people through post-contact struggles. The second section looks at the importance of Indigenous knowledge, land, language, culture, ceremony, and sacred landscape to Indigenous peoples. It conveys the critical 15 importance of reclaiming land, language, culture, knowledge, and spirituality. This part of the discussion is necessary because it clarifies why dismantling or changing current assimilation policies doesn’t go far enough; there are crucial components which need to be in place before true restoration and reconciliation can occur between Indigenous and Western societies. Section three looks at the last five hundred years of colonization and assimilation policies which laid the groundwork for cultural loss and the devastating impacts that occurred in Australia and Canada. This discussion is especially significant to understanding the underlying causes of loss of Indigenous land, language, knowledge, and culture: how it occurred, directly and indirectly, over generations from the time of initial contact onward. Section four of the literature review discusses the impacts associated with assimilation policies and loss of land, language, knowledge, and culture on Indigenous societies. This section is incredibly important to the research study because it draws a direct link between assimilation policies and the profoundly devastating effects upon Indigenous societies over generations. Section five speaks to the documentation and reclamation of Indigenous traditional knowledges, languages, cultures, and lands. It highlights current methods of knowledge protection used in Australia and Canada to retain and regain Indigenous knowledges, languages, and cultures. Finally, section six wraps up the discussion of literature by speaking to Indigenous knowledge centres. It examines the early years of IKCs, gives an overview of IKC types in Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United States, how they operate, advantages, challenges, and IK protocols. 16 2.1 OVERVIEW OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLES, THEIR KNOWLEDGES, LANGUAGES & CULTURES The purpose of this section of the literature review is to provide an overall view of Indigenous peoples living across the geographical region of continental Australia, the Torres Strait Islands and Canada/North America just before the arrival of Europeans. AUSTRALIA: At the time of European contact in 1770 the Indigenous peoples of Australia had successfully and continuously inhabited the continent for 40,000 to 60,000 years and perhaps longer (Australian Museum - Heritage, 2021) (Dockery, 2010) (Horton, 2012) (Lawrence & Reeves Lawrence, 2004). Despite the vast number of languages and nations in Australia Indigenous peoples on the continent see themselves as one distinct group. The Indigenous peoples of the Torres Strait would have inhabited their islands for at least 3,000 years in continuation when Europeans arrived on their shores. There were incidents of contact with Indigenous peoples of Australia and the Torres Strait Islands prior to British contact of 1770 (Australian Museum - Heritage, 2021) (Lawrence & Reeves Lawrence, 2004). For at least 300 years, prior to Captain Cook’s arrival in 1770, people in the northernmost parts of Australia and the Torres Strait had contact with Makassan traders from Sulawesi (now a part of Indonesia). The Makassan traders would fish for sea slugs off their Island shores. In trade for the assistance, they received while fishing, traders gave the Australian Indigenous peoples tobacco, pipes and cloth, fishing equipment, iron, glass, canoes, and drums. There are rock paintings that depict contact and trade between Indigenous Australians and the Makassan, as well as the Melanesians, Dutch, and Portuguese. Trade 17 amongst Indigenous Australian communities was also quite established. In fact, there is evidence of complex trade routes between Indigenous Nations across the continent (Broome, 1994) (Horton, 2012). Commodities could travel from north to the far south, east coast to west coast, or from the coasts to the very centre of the continent. When Captain James Cook and his crew arrived, they would have encountered Indigenous peoples with well-developed sea faring knowledge and hunter gatherer skills; along with an incredible knowledge of the world around them and an intimate connection to the land (Australian Museum - Heritage, 2021) (Broome, 1994) (Horton, 2012). The population of Indigenous peoples in 1788, when the British arrived to begin building penal colonies, has been estimated at 300,000; although it was likely much higher immediately prior due to the arrival of European diseases (Broome, 1994) (Horton, 2012). There were more than 500 different tribes each with their own lands, spirituality, history, and their own variations of Australian Indigenous culture. “When the British reached the shores of Australia, they were utterly unprepared for the sophistication of the place and its inhabitants, incapable of embracing its wonder. They had no understanding of the challenges of the desert, and little sensitivity to the achievement of Aboriginal people who, for over 55,000 years, had thrived as hunters and gatherers, and guardians of their world. In all that time the desire to improve upon the natural world, to tame the rhythm of the wild, had never touched them. The Aborigines accepted life as it was, a cosmological whole, the unchanging creation of the first dawn, when earth and sky separated and the original Ancestor, the Rainbow Serpent, brought into being all the primordial ancestors who through their thoughts, 18 dreams and journeys sang the world into existence.” (Davis, The Wayfinders: Why Cultural Wisdom Matters in the Modern World, 2009, p. 148) CANADA: This section of the literature review gives a very general overview of Indigenous peoples living across the geographical region of Canada at the time of European contact. During the period of initial contacts, the Indigenous peoples of North America had inhabited the continent continuously for several thousand years. The exact number of years is debated by academics; however, evidence tells us that Indigenous civilizations have been in North America at least ten to fifteen thousand years BP (Dickason & McNab, 2009). The Norse arrived on the northeastern coast of North America in approximately 1000 AD and was likely the first recorded European contact with Indigenous peoples (Dickason & McNab, 2009) (Government of Canada, 2012). It is likely that several ‘first contacts’ occurred, throughout the continent, over an 800-year period from 1000 AD to 1829 AD. The North American inhabitants Norse explorers encountered in the cool northern regions would have been hunter gatherers with a profound knowledge of the natural world around them. Their knowledge of the landscape was so incredible they only required a few simple tools to survive in an often-harsh climate. John Cabot, an Italian-English explorer, was long credited as the first European to set foot upon the modern-day geographic region of Canada (Government of Canada, 2012). Cabot arrived on either present-day Newfoundland or Cape Breton Island in 1497 while looking for a passage to the Far East. He claimed the region for England, calling it ‘New Founde Land’. He 19 mapped a significant portion of the east coast of Canada before his return to England. His voyage and mapping information opened the Grand Banks to fishing expeditions but colonization by the British wouldn’t occur for another 100 years. Jacques Cartier was likely the first French-European to arrive in present day Canada (Government of Canada, 2012). He made three trips across the Atlantic Ocean between 1534 and 1542 to claim the new lands for France. He explored the St. Lawrence River as far as the present-day location of Montreal. He and his crew used captured Iroquois as guides. It was the Iroquois guides that used the term ‘kanata’ to refer to a village. Cartier then used it to name the regions he explored. By 1550 the name ‘Canada’ began to appear on maps of the world. The first European settlement in Canada was established by the French explorers Pierre de Monts and Samuel de Champlain by Port Royal in Acadia (present day Nova Scotia) in 1604. Modern bio-geographers and anthropologists have divided the then geographical region of Canada into seven major ecological and cultural sections at the point of contact; the Arctic; Western Subarctic; Eastern Subarctic; Northwest Coast; Plateau; Great Plains and the Northeastern Woodlands (Dickason & McNab, 2009). Each region had its own distinct local conditions and subsistence complexities. All cultures and their peoples would have had incredible knowledge of the natural world in which they lived, extraordinary determination and living variations of a similar existence, living, and working together in a harmonious and respectful manner with Mother Earth. The Inuit peoples were living in the far north regions of the continent; and across the entire central and southern most regions of the country were the First Nations peoples. Indigenous populations would have been immensely scattered across the massive landscape; however, it is estimated that there were between 500,000 and 2 million 20 people living within the current Canadian region of Turtle Island. The area with the largest population density would have been along the west coast (British Columbia) with an estimated 200,000 people. Before Europeans arrived on the shores of North American Indigenous peoples had complex systems of governance, with jurisdiction over their own lands, unique cultures, economies, laws, and shared land use (Centre for First Nations Governanace & Dr. Kent MacNeil, 2007). Men and women would have had traditional roles to play within the family unit and to ensure survival of the community (Johnston B. , 2001) (Morrison & Wilson, 2004). For the most part Indigenous peoples would have moved around the landscape seasonally in small family groups to make best use of the resources available to them. The summer season, while food was in abundance, would have allowed for large gatherings of communities. Large gatherings would allow for additional food collection; but also enabled trade between groups and a variety of social opportunity, including the prospect of marriage. Immigration of Europeans to the geographic region of Canada really began to increase during the 1500’s and grew exponentially in the 1600’s, 1700’s, 1800’s and 1900’s (Morrison & Wilson, 2004). During the time when immigration levels were relatively low, compared to the vast area of land, First Nation peoples initially would have far outnumbered the European colonists. Although the Europeans may have asserted, they had the authority of ‘the Crown’, they did not have the numbers to dictate, and found that they needed to maintain good relations to be able to facilitate their land purchases and trading relationships. Once the levels of immigration began to significantly increase the well-being of Indigenous peoples began to waiver. 21 2.2 IMPORTANCE OF LAND, LANGUAGE, CULTURE & SPIRITUALITY TO INDIGENOUS PEOPLES Importance of Language to Indigenous Cultures and Societies: Many Indigenous scholars attribute residential school systems (known as the Stolen Generation in Australia) as the most substantial blow to Indigenous language and culture since the time of early contact (Battiste & Henderson, 2000) (Dockery, 2010) (Thorpe & Galassi, 2014). Many academics, including Battiste, Dockery, Henderson, Daes and Little Bear, believe that language loss is quite possibly the biggest challenge faced by Indigenous communities today (Battiste, 2000) (Battiste & Henderson, 2000) (Daes E.I., 2000) (Little Bear, 2000). Loss of language has deeply affected the transmission of Indigenous history, culture, knowledge, literature, stories, and values. Leroy Little Bear (2000) describes Indigenous language as action oriented. A language that describes happenings rather than labelling objects and treats almost all things as though they were animate. When all things are animate then they are understood to have spirits and therefore have knowledge. The Indigenous scholar explains that if objects are animate, have spirits and knowledge, then they are much like people and therefore we feel a connection with them. “One way of killing a language is to get rid of all of the speakers. In a few places in Australia there were massacres of such severity that there were literally no speakers left to pass a language on to the next generation. There is a known language called Yeeman spoken around Tarooma in south-east Queensland. This is all we know – its name. Not one word of the language was 22 recorded before the entire tribe was wiped out in 1857.” (Dixon, Ramson, & Thomas, 1990, p. 5) In 1788, as British ships were entering Australian waters, there were more than 250 distinct Indigenous languages and 800 dialects spoken in Australia and the Torres Strait Islands (AIATSIS - Australian Institute of Aboriginal & Torres Strait Islander Studies, n.d.) (Australian Museum - Heritage, 2021) (Thorpe & Galassi, 2014). In 2016 there were only 120 Indigenous languages still spoken. In 2019, 90% of the 120 languages were endangered (AIATSIS - Australian Institute of Aboriginal & Torres Strait Islander Studies, n.d.) (McConvell & Thieberger, 2001). In North American the Indigenous language statistics are no better. It is estimated that there were 300 Indigenous languages and dialects spoken across the current region of Canada at the point of European contact (Statistics Canada, 2016). Today only 70 Indigenous languages are still in use and 50 of those are on their way to becoming extinct (Dickason & McNab, 2009) (Morrison & Wilson, 2004) (Official Languages and Bilingualism Institute, 2015). Language is crucial to cultural societies, and it has been stated, that one’s worldview grows out of the structures of language (Battiste & Henderson, 2000) (Chamberlin, 2000). The loss of Indigenous language, then, can severely impact the culture and philosophy of Indigenous peoples. Language is a sacred medium for conversing directly with the Creator in the form of prayer. Indigenous language can grant access to sacred places; places where permission must be asked of the Creator in their original language or risk being denied access (Gulliford, 2000) (Walsh, 2005). 23 “For places of special significance, it is felt that access to such a place can only be gained when there is someone who can speak to the spirits that inhabit that place. And the place will understand only the language of the land- owning group in whose territory that place resides. So, there is fear that language loss may lead to powerful places being effectively closed down” (Walsh, 2005, p. 303). Importance of Traditional Lands to Indigenous Knowledge, Culture and Worldview: Indigenous communities required a close relationship with their lands throughout history. The only way to survive, and to thrive, within harsh climates was to become a beneficial and integral part of nature itself (Johnston B., 2001) (Knudson & Suzuki, 1992). Ongoing intimate connection and love of the landscape, and all that live within it, made the land a vitally important representative of culture, history, language, and ones very identity as an Indigenous person. Loss of traditional lands has been attributed as one of the major factors in damaging the transmission of knowledge in Indigenous cultures across Australia and Canada since colonialization began (Armitage, 1995) (Dockery, 2010) (Short, 2003) (Windsor & McVey, 2005). Since 1763 and 1788 respectively, colonial governments, and their subsequent Canadian and Australian states, have appropriated traditional lands and forced Indigenous peoples onto tiny reserves. Connection to land is essential to Indigenous knowledge; worldview, language, culture, and well-being: traditional lands are synonymous with family, stability, healing, culture, society, and a control over one’s destiny; yet land has been continually taken from First Nations 24 for the economic development of Western society (Mark & Lyons, 2010) (Windsor & McVey, 2005). As Eurocentric societies in Canada and Australia appropriated the traditional homelands of Indigenous societies, communities were relegated to small settlements on reserve lands; in direct contrast to their traditional means of survival (Armitage, 1995) (Dockery, 2010) (Short, 2003) (Windsor & McVey, 2005). The settlements and reserve lands offered were often on land deemed ‘unfit’ and ‘worthless’ to Colonial governments; while ‘resource rich’ lands were expropriated for their economic gain; including forestry, mining, hydro dams, railroads, housing development and parklands. It is important to realize the destructive impacts levied on Indigenous societies when land is expropriated (Mark & Lyons, 2010) (Windsor & McVey, 2005). Indigenous cultures have for generations had a very powerful, spiritual, and emotional connection to their traditional lands. Traditional lands are “essential to their personal identity” (Windsor & McVey, 2005, p. 148) and tantamount to sense of self. To confiscate the traditional lands of Indigenous peoples directly affects their happiness and sense of security. The loss of connection to one’s traditional lands detaches an individual from their unique spiritual and emotional connection to the landscape. Māori academics in New Zealand, Mark and Lyons, have found evidence through their research affirming land as one of five essential corner points to Indigenous health and well- being (Mark & Lyons, 2010). Typically, only three - mind, body, and spirit - are recognized as the pillars of human well-being in Western society. For Māori peoples the authors found in addition 25 to mind, body, and spirit, both family and land were equally important indicators. Mind represents the mental process of the individual; body is portrayed by the physical, chemical, and biological processes of the person; and spirit is signified by existential reality, connectedness, and energy. Family, for the Māori, is embodied by their relations but can also be represented by their spiritual guides who may also be former family members. Land is personified within the narrative of life; but also plays a vital role in Māori healing and connection. Together the five aspects are essential to embody perfect health. If one is removed the well-being of the individual becomes compromised. To genuinely comprehend the importance of land to Indigenous peoples, you must understand that one cannot be separated from the other, and therefore land must also be part of the healing process. The reclaiming of Indigenous lands and land rights is vitally important to both healing and true reconciliation for Indigenous communities (Datta, 2019) (Simpson L. B., 2014). You cannot remove a people from what sustains them, from what is a part of themselves, it must be returned to begin to right a wrong. “I’m so filled with belief and hope because when I hear your voices at the table, I hear and know that the responsibilities that our ancestors carried ... are still being carried ... even through all of the struggles, even through all of what has been disrupted ... we can still hear the voice of the land. We can hear the care and love for the children. We can hear about our law. We can hear about our stories, our governance, our feasts, [and] our medicines.... We have work to do. That work we are [already] doing as [Aboriginal] peoples. Our relatives who have come from across the water [non-Aboriginal people], you still have work to do on 26 your road.... The land is made up of the dust of our ancestors’ bones. And so to reconcile with this land and everything that has happened, there is much work to be done ... in order to create balance.” Anishinaabe Elder Mary Deleary, in TRC’s Honouring the Truth, Reconciling for the Future: Summary of the Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, 2015a (Deleary, 2015a, p. 9). Importance of Sacred Sites and Ceremonies to Indigenous Societies: Culture is intimately connected to the sacred spaces of Indigenous peoples (Gulliford, 2000). It is their relationship to the land, and the spiritual connection to the landscape, for literally thousands of years, that have made these places a central part of culture. Sacred places exist because of Indigenous culture and Indigenous culture exists because of sacred landscapes (Gulliford, 2000) (Hughes & Swan, 1986) (Knudson & Suzuki, 1992). Often sacred sites that have been cared for and protected by Indigenous peoples are quite complex and in contrast to other natural landscapes. They support a direct relationship between a community and nature itself. These are often places of worship, seen as portals between the Earthly physical world and the spiritual world beyond (Johnston A. M., 2006). The idea of an axis mundi (a direct connection between our physical world and the spiritual world beyond) is common amongst many Indigenous peoples and their sacred places throughout the world (Bremer, 2006). The power of place provides perspective as a geographic centre point and thereby orienting the spatial worlds of an Indigenous community. Indigenous peoples see their sacred sites and traditional 27 lands not only as special places but as an all-embracing whole; where land, air, water, spirit, and life energy come together as one (Johnston A. M., 2006). Sacred sites most certainly serve as the oldest form of habitat protection (Wild, McLeod, & Valentine, 2008). In addition to preserving biodiversity, they serve as a backdrop for spiritual ceremonies, prayer, meditation, and vision quests while housing spirits and cultural ancestors. Sacred spaces are intimately linked to Indigenous communities by virtue of their spiritual values and cultural history but are also connected to community members by their very identity (Gulliford, 2000). “Sacred space is where human beings find a manifestation of divine power, where they experience a sense of connectedness to the universe” (Hughes & Swan, 1986, p. 247). Sacred sites are important to protect for today as well as for tomorrow. Indigenous cultures around the world believe that as a part of their stewardship duty they must preserve sacred places and pass on that custodianship role to future generations (Gulliford, 2000). It is imperative that these places are protected and maintained for, and by, Indigenous communities as one cannot be separated from the other. “Americans consecrate a church as a sacred place; it remains sacred as long as a congregation meets there. But when congregations outgrow a building, they may well sell it and purchase a new space to make holy. By contrast, what is important for traditional Indian religious believers is not the sacred space of a church or cathedral but rather a location made holy by the Great 28 Creator, by ancient and enduring myth, by repeated rituals such as sun dances, or by the presence of spirits who dwell deep in canyons, or mountain tops or in hidden caves. An entire landscape may well be sacred because Indians migrated from place to place in search of food, on seasonal rounds that took them into the high country in the summer and to lower elevations in the winter. Sacred sites remain integral to tribal histories, religions, and identities” (Gulliford, 2000, p. 69). 2.3 COLONIZATION, ASSIMILATION & CULTURAL LOSS - 1700 TO PRESENT AUSTRALIA: Colonization, Assimilation and Cultural Loss in Australia: Like most commonwealth countries, Australia has a long history of colonization and assimilation policies implemented to control Indigenous populations and remove risk of conflict with increasing numbers of European settlers arriving. These policies were instrumental in the loss of land, culture, language, and traditional knowledge for Indigenous populations. For this reason, it is very important to understand the policies and legislations that have affected generations of Indigenous peoples, their families, children, and grandchildren. Andrew Armitage (1995) extensively researched and compared the assimilation policies of Australia, Canada, New Zealand. In his book, Comparing the Policy of Aboriginal Assimilation: Australia, Canada, and New Zealand, he asserts that the Australian government had four evident periods of Indigenous policy: Initial Contact; Protected Status; Assimilation; and finally, Integration with Limited Self-Management. For the purposes of this research paper the focus 29 will be on the first three policy periods as they pertain to the assimilation policies acknowledged to be responsible for much of the loss of Indigenous knowledge in Australian Aboriginal societies. Initial contact with the British, is accredited to Captain James Cook, on the northeastern coast of Australia in modern day Queensland in August of 1770 (Armitage, 1995) (Broome, 1994). He immediately disembarked and claimed the entire east coast of the continent under orders of King George III at Possession Island (aka Bedanug Island). He named eastern Australia New South Wales, to prevent the French and the Dutch from expanding their empires upon it, and, to establish a settlement where British ships could be repaired and re-stocked. Despite Cook’s direct and personal contact with Australian Indigenous peoples, the British boldly established ownership upon the land declaring Australia to be ‘terra nullius’ or vacant unclaimed land. Upon Cooks’ return to Great Britain, there was limited interest by the military for immediate colonial expansion. England’s principal concern at the time was the perpetually full prisons and an incredibly high crime rate despite their severe punishment for convicts (Armitage, 1995) (Broome, 1994). The American colonies were waging Revolutionary War against the United Kingdom and were no longer willing to accept British prisoners (Maxwell- Stewart, 2010). In 1787, within seventeen years after Cook first arrived, the first of many fleets carrying British criminals left port on the way to New South Wales (Armitage, 1995) (Broome, 1994). The first eleven ships carried 1350 people: including 548 male and 188 female offenders. The ships 30 brought with them all the tools and supplies necessary to build a self-sustaining colony including livestock. The British initially built a settlement at Botany Bay but later moved north to Port Jackson. From the moment of initial settlement there were conflicts between British settlers and Indigenous peoples, both sides having substantial differences in language, culture, worldview, and lifestyle (Armitage, 1995) (Short, 2003). For Indigenous peoples, the land not only sustained life, but the people also were an integral part of the land. The forced loss, misuse and destruction of their homelands and the natural environment began to significantly damage their Indigenous spiritual, cultural, and legal systems (Short, 2003). When Europeans began to arrive in even larger numbers, they started to drive Indigenous communities and families off their homelands without discussion and without compensation. Understandably, relations between Indigenous Australians and British settlers got off to a very rocky start and hostilities occurred often. Clashes between Indigenous peoples and settlers happened frequently over pastoral lands (Armitage, 1995) (Ryan, 2008). The Indigenous peoples on the Island of Tasmania (known during this time as Van Diemen’s Land) suffered a great deal of violence, where thousands of Indigenous Island peoples were slain. Most were pursued and killed by either European settlers or military soldiers. The battles and bloody violence lasted for 26 years; between 1804 and 1830. Eventually all Indigenous Tasmanians were either killed or removed from the Island in 1830 through the use of ‘The Black Line’; a human chain of 2000 armed men who walked across Tasmania with the sole intent to rid the island of all Indigenous peoples. The small group of 31 Indigenous survivors found were forcibly moved to a small nearby island in the Tasmanian Strait known as Flinders Island. Similar violence between Indigenous peoples and colonists occurred both in the Gulf Country of the Northern Territory between 1835 and 1859; and in Victoria (the southernmost continental state) over a period of 28 years from 1872 to 1900 (Ryan, 2008). Fighting in Victoria was particularly brutal and vengeful. There are estimates that a full 10% of the Indigenous population may have been killed by colonists alone. All in all, during the one hundred and fifty years from 1788 to 1884, in Australia it is estimated that at least 20,000 Indigenous peoples were killed or died of diseases introduced by European colonists. Protected Status Policy in Australia: In 1837, with fierce battles occurring regularly between Indigenous peoples and European settlers, a House of Commons Select Committee on Aborigines was formed to make decisions on governmental policies with the intent to ease tension (Armitage, 1995). Several attempts were made with legislation to ‘protect’ Indigenous peoples via control over their purchase and use of alcohol; however, it was not until 1886 when comprehensive legislation was introduced in the state of Victoria that powerful influence over Indigenous peoples was secured. Called the ‘Aborigine Protection Act’ the policy established a Government Board for the protection of all Indigenous peoples. Board members could legally manipulate all aspects of the everyday lives of Australia’s First Peoples; dictating where they would be allowed to live; where they could work; what monies they could be allotted; and the determination of their status. Specific Aboriginal settlements or reserves were established, and many Indigenous 32 peoples were confined to them. The health and well-being of Indigenous peoples at this point began to deteriorate rapidly (Short, 2003). Similar government policies of control were instituted in Western Australia in 1886; in Queensland the ‘Aboriginals Protection and Restriction of the Sale of Opium Act’ was instituted in 1901; in New South Wales in 1909; and in South Australia/Northern Territory in 1910 (Armitage, 1995). The reserves created for Indigenous peoples during this period were bleak and dismal; residents were overseen by a warden or a director, often a local police officer or a soldier in the military (Armitage, 1995). In 1900, as the new Commonwealth of Australia was being created, most European settlers and their state governments thought the problem of the Aborigines had been taken care of and it was expected that they would soon fade away. “The expectation of the time was that the Aboriginal population would eventually die out, and that these settlements would provide a ‘pillow for a dying race’” (Armitage, 1995, p. 18). Indigenous peoples continued to be excluded from the newly formed Commonwealth of Australia as the 20th century moved forward. They were not given the right to vote until 1962 and were omitted from the national census until 1967. Assimilation: Beginning in 1930, assimilation policies were instituted across Australia as an answer to the failure of the previously implemented ‘Protection Policies’ (Armitage, 1995). Assimilation policies differed slightly from one state to another depending on their situation. Lighter skinned Aborigines, or light caste peoples, were typically prime targets for assimilation because they 33 were seen to be more easily absorbed into a Eurocentric Australian society while darker skinned Indigenous children were moved to reserves. Assimilation policies were implemented with both coercive and incentive strategies used to encourage Indigenous integration into general Australian society (Armitage, 1995). As part of an incentive strategy, Indigenous peoples in protected communities, could escape their control and suppression by acquiring a special permit. The permit would allow them to become Australian citizens, free to live outside of their protected communities and share the same rights as European settlers, however, they would have to lose their status as Australian Aboriginals to obtain a permit. Coercive strategies were used to urge Indigenous peoples to give up their identities as well (Armitage, 1995). It was common for governments to stop maintaining buildings on reserves, close stores and shut down necessary services to try and force assimilation. In the Northern Territory assimilation policy applied only to those children of European- Aboriginal descent (known as half castes) because European settlers were greatly outnumbered by the population of Aboriginal peoples across the state and the policy would be too difficult to implement (Armitage, 1995). The Australian reserves of this period were not the same as the reserves we’ve come to know in Canada (Armitage, 1995). These reserves were state ordered settlements that could be revoked or moved without notice or consultation. The ‘Protector’ or Administrator of the reserves were chosen by the State and gave select individuals the authority to make decisions for Indigenous peoples both on and off reserve. Administrators were not accountable to 34 Indigenous communities, but instead reported to non-Indigenous settlers with business, religious and personal interests in the region. Their power included the approval of marriages and management of lands; they were the legal guardians of all Indigenous children; made decisions about adoptions without the consent of birth parents; and doled out decisions on punishment (including corporal punishment) all of which were legally binding. Church missions were encouraged by state governments to provide both education and training to Indigenous peoples on reserves, believing Churches would be well-equipped to ‘civilize’ the reserve detainees (Armitage, 1995). Churches not only had the ability to supply some of their own funding, but they were seen as good moral partners by governments. Missions willing to take on the role of educator received additional funding from state governments. “Under the Queensland legislation of 1897 and subsequent amendments, missionaries in charge were able to exercise quite strict control over Aborigines. Any difference from a prison farm was not marked… The mission, then, was to become a multi-purpose institution through which the government could deal with some of its pressing problems by isolating them together. This enabled the removal of the part-Aboriginal child from the town fringe to a mission in Cape York – a power by no means unused – and such a decision would often be made on the basis of assumed Aboriginal descent.” Australian historian C.D. Rowley (in Armitage, 1995, p. 36) 35 Assimilation policies finally began to be dismantled across Australia beginning in 1967 and continuing through to 1972 (Armitage, 1995). Queensland was an exception to this; their assimilation policies were not removed from legislation until 1984 although rights and policies did continue to develop along with the rest of the country. Indigenous Peoples & Child Welfare Policy in Australia: The State of Queensland: For more than 200 years direct colonization policies in Australia and Canada, as well as in other Commonwealth countries, attempted to change Indigenous families and their children; by means of government legislation, government institutions and Mission or Church run institutions (Armitage, 1995) (Buti, 2002). Child welfare policy was used by colonial governments as both an insidious method of control and an assimilation tactic against Indigenous peoples and their communities. Parents were more likely to be kept in check when governments had custody of their children: and children brought up in institutions could be much more easily assimilated and manipulated. This section of the thesis will highlight specifically the colonizing policies and child welfare legislation directed towards families and children in Australia, particularly in the state of Queensland where one of the case studies is located. From the time of initial contact incentives were offered for Indigenous parents to leave their children behind to get an ‘education’ in exchange for blankets, tools, and food supplies (Armitage, 1995) (Cassidy, 2006) (Ellinghaus, 2006) (Short, 2003). Most initial efforts to ‘educate’ Aborigine children were deemed a failure and families were believed to be ‘not appreciative’ of the opportunities offered them. After 1883, to protect Indigenous peoples from 36 hostile colonists, state by state ‘Aboriginal Protection’ legislation was developed. In Queensland, ‘protection’ of Indigenous peoples and their children was established through the ‘Aboriginals Protection and Restriction on the Sale of Opium Act’ established in 1897. The ‘Aboriginals Protection and Restriction of the Sale of Opium Act’ was created as a method to ensure the efficient removal of Aborigines from land being appropriated by European settlers (Armitage, 1995) (Cassidy, 2006) (Ellinghaus, 2006) (Short, 2003). Indigenous populations in Queensland were especially deep-rooted and communities were justifiably outraged when they were forcibly removed from their traditional lands. In defiance communities fought hard against exclusion from their lands by colonial settlers; and the government of Queensland, in turn, developed harsh retaliation methods for Indigenous communities fighting the legislation. Indigenous hunters from other regions were often hired to track down groups and individuals that had rebelled. Many, labelled troublesome groups, were apprehended, and often quickly assassinated. In other areas of Queensland alternative and equally abhorrent methods were employed to subdue assertive Indigenous communities (Armitage, 1995) (Cassidy, 2006) (Ellinghaus, 2006) (Short, 2003). For example, in the region of Kilcoy, poisoned flour was distributed to Indigenous communities. In a neighbouring community to Kilcoy, Cherbourg was established as an Aboriginal reserve in 1905 and was considered a ‘successful’ reserve model (Armitage, 1995) (Cassidy, 2006) (Ellinghaus, 2006) (Feir, 2016) (Short, 2003). Indigenous peoples were removed from their homes from all over Queensland, under duress, and relocated to Cherbourg. The reserve, like others in the state, had a dormitory where children 37 were assigned to live regardless of where their parents resided; and often in spite of where their parents resided as a form of punishment or discipline. Queensland continued to develop its assimilation policies with the implementation of the ‘Aboriginal Preservation and Protection Act’ in 1935 (Armitage, 1995) (Cassidy, 2006) (Ellinghaus, 2006). The new legislation called for an increase in discipline and the state government proclaimed that assimilation would be a successful means of ‘identity reorientation’. In 1982 the Australian government acknowledged that this piece of legislation had four main goals; “totalitarian control; restricted freedom of movement (pass required), imprisonment without trial; and corporal punishment without trial” (Australian Government, 1982, in Armitage, 1995, p. 51). The State director of Aboriginal reserves was the legal guardian of all Indigenous children under the age of 21, regardless of whether they lived on reserve or not and regardless of whether they had parents or relatives to care for them (Armitage, 1995) (Cassidy, 2006) (Ellinghaus, 2006). The director position also granted them power to allow or disallow marriages and to legally sign for the Adoption of any Aboriginal child to any parents which he deemed suitable. Finally, the ‘Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders Affairs Act’ of Queensland, implemented in 1965 moved toward the path of modern assimilation (Armitage, 1995) (Cassidy, 2006) (Ellinghaus, 2006). This legislation still controlled and defined Indigenous lives but was more gently worded. Australian academic, Lyndall Ryan, writes that the legislation demarcated Indigenous and Torres Strait Islander peoples by their “strain of Aboriginal blood”; and 38 ‘Assisted’ Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders were those that lived on reserves at the “pleasure of the director” (Ryan, in Armitage 1995, p. 53). As part of this legislation children could still be separated from their parents, at the age of 4, to live in reserve dormitories in 1984 (Ryan, in Armitage 1995, p. 53). CANADA: Colonization, Assimilation and Loss in Canada: To gain an understanding of the impairment done to Indigenous knowledge in Canada, and to what extent knowledge has been diminished, it’s important to examine the work of Indigenous scholars who are well acquainted with the loss of knowledge, culture, and language in First Nation communities. Anishinabek scholars Leanne Simpson (2004) and Marie Battiste (2000) assert that Indigenous knowledge has become threatened as a direct result of Canadian colonial policies. As with Australia the denunciation of Indigenous knowledge began at the time of colonization and continued to grow with subsequent colonial governments and policies. Andrew Armitage (1995) states that the Canadian government has had six distinct periods of Indigenous policy; the Period of Early Contact, the Era of the Royal Proclamation; the Period from Royal Proclamation to Canadian Social Policy; the Era of Assimilation; the Period of Integration, and finally, the Period of Assertation and Self Government. The next few paragraphs briefly outline the first five of these periods to highlight the assimilation policies that are in large part responsible for the damage inflicted upon Indigenous knowledge, language, and culture in Canada. 39 Period of Early Contact: During the Period of Early Contact, from 1534 to 1763, the French and the English were very interested in the conversion of Canada’s Indigenous peoples to Christianity (Armitage, 1995) (Cassidy, 2006). In fact, Jacque Cartier, after stepping off the boat in St. Jonquiere, Quebec in 1534, quickly erected a Christian cross and performed a mass baptism over the areas’ Indigenous peoples; before forcibly taking several individuals back to France with him. Permanent settlements and the development of agriculture were encouraged by the French and the Jesuits in the New World to simplify religious conversion and assert control of over Indigenous peoples. It is of interest to note that the British and French explorers were extremely dependent upon the knowledge of the First Nations peoples they encountered to survive within in this harsh new North American environment. The Era of the Royal Proclamation, from 1763 to 1830, is important in history because the British military fully recognized the importance First Nations peoples as their allies in their war with France; in the American Revolution in 1779; and later against the Americans again during the War of 1812 (Armitage, 1995) (Cassidy, 2006). In 1755 the British government created an Indian Department and appointed superintendents to each colony. The Superintendents were responsible for political relations with First Nation peoples, protection from traders, boundary negotiations as well as the government contact for enlistment of Indigenous peoples during times of war. This department and its policies became the foundation upon which First Nation and Canadian government relations and their communications would be built. Quickly, following the development of its Indian Department, the British declared a Royal Proclamation asserting British sovereignty in Canada while 40 recognizing Aboriginal title. This established the treaty making process and pronounced those areas outside of these said boundaries be reserved as hunting grounds for First Nation peoples. Not surprisingly, the political boundaries of the British continued to expand after this point while, inversely, the reserved areas for Indigenous peoples continued to shrink. The Period from the Royal Proclamation to Canadian Social Policy: Canadian Social Policy was developed between 1830 and 1867, as the colony grew into nationhood in a politically peaceful North America (Armitage, 1995) (Cassidy, 2006). With the end of war on the North American continent the British government recognized it no longer required Canada’s First Nation peoples as allies against the French; and their battles with the Americans were now behind them. With this recognition Canadian/British policies began to change along with the balance of power. Compact settlements and agricultural practice were now strongly encouraged for Indigenous Peoples. The implementation of educational policy for First Nation children would be next on the colonial governments’ agenda (Armitage, 1995) (Cassidy, 2006) (Feir, 2016). Schools were set up to follow in the educational paths already set down by the Jesuits, beginning with the deliberate process of assimilation in Canada and the formation of the residential school system. Indigenous communities and their families were told they could no longer receive ‘presents’ or money unless their children attended the government schools. School clergy and teachers were openly encouraged to help enforce the attendance of Indigenous children. The residential school system is thought to have dealt the strongest blow to Indigenous knowledge and culture as generations of children lost their language, culture, and traditional knowledge, along with 41 their spiritual beliefs (Battiste & Henderson, 2000) (Cassidy, 2006) (Feir, 2016). In 1850, additional colonial legislation was passed which defined ‘Indians’; and stated that all First Nations lands and properties must submit to the control of a Commissioner of Indian Lands (Armitage, 1995) (Cassidy, 2006) (Feir, 2016). These lands could then no longer be bought or sold without the express permission of the Crown. Era of Assimilation: Perhaps the most significant period in Canada’s history, in terms of assimilation policy, is the eighty-three-year period, from 1867 through to 1950 (Armitage, 1995) (Cassidy, 2006) (Feir, 2016) (Simpson, 2004). In 1867 the control of all First Nation concerns was directly assumed by the newly formed Canadian federal government while, for the most part, control of traditional territories, land, reserves, and wildlife passed to the provinces. In 1868, the Indian Act was instituted, building upon previous related legislation. This act provided for the definition of an Indian; the recognition, protection, management, and sale of reserves; the payment of moneys to the support and benefit of Indians; provision for receiving the evidence of non-Christian Indians in criminal prosecutions, special measures for the control of intoxicants as well as provisions for ‘enfranchisement’ (Armitage, 1995) (Cassidy, 2006). The new country of Canada implemented an ‘incentive’ assimilation strategy; called ‘enfranchisement’ whereby the government could confirm an Indian was no longer ‘Indian’; the individual could be removed from the government’s Indian registry and formally declared a British subject (Armitage, 1995) (Battiste, 2000) (Cassidy, 2006) (Simpson, 2004). This provision of the Indian Act was only offered to First Nation adult males; however, if Indian men chose 42 enfranchisement, his spouse and children would automatically lose their status as well. There were no provisions for the reversal of this decision. Adult males could lose their First Nation status by enlisting in the military, becoming a minister, gaining a university education, becoming a lawyer, teacher, or a doctor. Any opposition to the Indian Act would result in quick amendments to assert tighter control over Indigenous communities (Armitage, 1995) (Cassidy, 2006). Cases in point include the government’s right to depose any elected First Nation official considered immoral or incompetent by another government official; Indigenous spiritual and ceremonial customs were deemed to be an interference to assimilation policies and were subsequently banned, including the Potlatch in British Columbia, the Sun Dance throughout the Prairies, and Shaking Tent ceremonies in Northern Ontario. Indigenous peoples were obliged to seek permission to wear their own traditional clothing or to perform traditional dances under the Indian Act. In 1894, the Canadian government made further amendments to the Indian Act, enabling them to have Indigenous children, who were not currently attending a residential school, committed to an educational institution (Armitage, 1995) (Battiste, 2000) (Cassidy, 2006) (Ellinghaus, 2006). Residential schooling, understandably, continued to be met with resistance by Indigenous parents. In 1920, amendments were made to government policy wherein parents could be subjected to criminal penalties if they did not comply with government legislation; this was in addition to having their children committed to a residential school. Likewise, when the federal government realized its voluntary enfranchisement policy was unsuccessful, amendments were made to enforce enfranchisement. It was not until the end of the Second World War, when returning Indigenous veterans mobilized to protest blatant 43 inequities, that many of these transparent assimilation policies began to be relaxed and children began to be slowly integrated into the regular school systems. Indigenous Peoples & Child Welfare Policy in Canada: It could be argued that colonizing policies and child welfare legislation directed towards family and children in Canada was on-going since the time of Jesuit missionaries in 1611 (Armitage, 1995) (Buti, 2002) (Cassidy, 2006) (Feir, 2016). The Jesuit model of education was used as the basis for the Canada’s residential school system which was developed and implemented in schools as early as 1830 and continued until as late as 1984. It is estimated that 150,000 Indigenous children attended Canada’s residential schools. Residential schools were the government’s attempt to assimilate Indigenous children. Education was not central to the strategy of the Canadian government, in fact Christian instruction played a central role alongside heavy menial labour as a form of ‘employment training’ (Buti, 2002) (Cassidy, 2006) (Feir, 2016). Children from the ages of 3 and 4 were literally torn from their parents to spend a minimum of ten months a year away from their families. Children were forbidden to speak their own language, practice their beliefs or traditions and were often beaten when they did so. In many cases children were also forbidden to have a relationship with their own siblings. If these abuses weren’t enough to scar a child there were almost always mental, physical, and sexual abuses occurring often within the residential school system (Bombay, Matheson, & Anisman, 2014). Some schools were worse than others. One of the longest running residential schools (1831 to 1971) in Canada was the Mohawk Institute in Brantford, 44 Ontario (the former residential school building of which is now home to the Woodland Cultural Centre, an IKC study participant). In a documentation of some of his personal experiences for Indian Affairs Canada, dated December 1965, Russell Moses wrote of his experiences at the Mohawk Institute between the ages of 7 to 12. He wrote of dreadful food and nutrition, negligent healthcare, slave labour, and emotional and physical cruelty. “Our formal education was sadly neglected, when a child is tired, hungry, lice infected and treated as a sub-human, how in heavens name do you expect to make a decent citizen out of him or her, when the formal school curriculum is the most disregarded aspect of his whole background.” Russell Moses, December 28, 1965, Personal Correspondence to Indian Affairs Canada (Moses, 1965, p. 3) 2.4 DEVASTATING IMPACTS ASSOCIATED WITH THE LOSS OF CULTURE IN HUMAN SOCIETIES Colonialism and its effects have been likened to a form of cultural genocide (Battiste & Henderson, 2000) (Cajete, 2000) (Daes E.-I. , 2000) (Duran, Duran, Yellow Horse Brave Heart, & Yellow Horse, 1998) (Little Bear, 2000) (Yellow Horse Brave Heart & Deschenie, 2006). Daes (2000) and Dockery (2010) believe that colonialism, oppression and the taking of lands have been the equivalent of a spiritual death to Indigenous communities in Canada and Australia. The destruction of the Indigenous spirit and the renunciation of their relevance have given individuals in these societies a seriously diminished view of their own intrinsic value, making it difficult for them to maintain or sustain relationships with family, friends, and neighbours (Cajete, 2000) (Daes E.-I. , 2000) (Little Bear, 2000). When land, language and culture are taken 45 from human societies they begin to die from the inside out. Experiencing such devastation community members are left wondering who they are, how they fit into society and where they are going. Individuals can suffer from self- rejection, unemployment, addiction, family violence and, all too often, suicide, because of the loss of land, language, and culture. “A long time ago there were not any white people around our country then and not many problems, so we didn’t worry about our children. But now all the older people are worried very much about their children. Because there are many alcohol problems, and we don’t know what is going to happen to our children” (Dora Gully of Fort Franklin, In Denendeh, 1984) (Fumoleau & Dene Nation, 1984, p. 21) Psychologists Duran and Duran as well as Yellow Horse Brave Heart and Deschenie have written extensively on the impacts associated with the loss of Indigenous culture; they believe culture is a large part of the human soul and the attempted destruction of an individual’s language and culture unequivocally and unquestionably wounds the soul (Duran, Duran, Yellow Horse Brave Heart, & Yellow Horse, 1998) (Duran, Firehammer, & Gonzalez, 2008) (Yellow Horse Brave Heart & Deschenie, 2006). A ‘soul wound’ is the associated result of traumatic and oppressive conditions; and if not treated with cultural competence and respect the wounded soul can persist and inevitably leads to multiple generations of suffering; generations of serious emotional distress including anxiety, depression, and anger (Duran, Duran, Yellow Horse Brave Heart, & Yellow Horse, 1998) (Duran, Firehammer, & Gonzalez, 2008) (Yellow Horse Brave Heart & Deschenie, 2006). 46 “If the historic soul wounding is not effectively dealt with, each person, as well as his or her descendants, is doomed to experience and perpetuate various forms of psychic and spiritual suffering in the future” (Duran, Firehammer, & Gonzalez, 2008, p. 288). Suicide rates for Canadian First Nations youth are much higher than any other culturally identifiable group in the world (Chandler & Lalonde, 2008). Some communities have had more than 800 times the suicide rate of the national average. In Australia, the suicide rate in Indigenous communities is estimated at least twice as high as the average rate in the rest of the country (Dockery, 2010). The research of Chandler and Lalonde has found that there is a direct connection between loss of land, language and culture and the rate of suicide in Indigenous communities. Communities that are consciously working to preserve and rehabilitate culture, knowledge, and language, can gain a measure of self-government and control over traditional lands, and have made improvement in health, education, jural systems and child protection do not have youth suicides. Their findings point very clearly towards the dire need for cultural regeneration in the form of Indigenous knowledge and language transmission and land reclamation in every Indigenous community. 2.5 DOCUMENTATION & EFFORTS TO RECLAIM INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE, LAND, LANGUAGE & CULTURE Traditional Methods of Retaining Indigenous Knowledge: For the most part Indigenous societies around the world have passed on knowledge from one generation to the next via storytelling, learning by example, experience and 47 interaction with family, community members and the natural world (Battiste & Henderson, 2000). Cultures transmitting Indigenous knowledge by means of symbolic and oral traditions didn’t require information to be written and recorded because it was lived daily. There are some, including Indigenous Elders, who believe that this type of knowledge cannot be learned by a book; it can only be learned by example and through teaching. However, there are Indigenous scholars who believe that the loss of Indigenous knowledge at this time is too great for it to be transmitted solely by oral communication; it must be recorded by any means possible to stem the damage and loss (Battiste, 2000) (Battiste & Henderson, 2000) (Simpson L. R., 2004). Indigenous knowledge is central to the survival of Indigenous language, culture, and traditional landscapes (Battiste, Reclaiming Indigenous Voice and Vision, 2000) (Battiste & Henderson, Protecting Indigenous Knowledge and Heritage: A Global Challenge, 2000) (Simpson L. R., 2004). If Indigenous knowledge is not recorded and subsequently not passed on to future generations, we run the risk of losing both a remarkable knowledge base and a unique cultural perspective (Battiste, 2000) (Battiste & Henderson, 2000) (Ngulube, 2002) (Simpson L. R., 2004). The protection of Indigenous knowledge is not only key to protecting the culture of Indigenous communities, but it may well also be central to local level development or sustainable living practices on a much larger scale. Scholars researching methods of Indigenous knowledge protection agree the best solution must come in the form of cultural transmission (Battiste, 2000) (Battiste & Henderson, 2000) (Chandler & Lalonde, 1998) (Chandler & Lalonde, 2008) (Chandler & Proulx, 2006) (McGregor, 2004) (Simpson L. R., 2004) (Wilson A. C., 2004). The transmission of Indigenous 48 knowledge in the most efficient means possible as well as the communication and exchange of promising practices would allow individual communities to support their own plan for cultural transmission. “If Indigenous knowledge has not been documented and compiled, doing so should be a research priority of the highest order. Indigenous knowledge is being lost at an unprecedented rate, and its preservation, preferably in data base form, must take place as quickly as possible.” (National Research Council - United States, 1992, p. 45) Current Methods to Protect and Retain Indigenous Knowledge, Language and Culture: Over the last few decades there has been a sense of urgency in the documentation of Indigenous knowledge and traditional ecological knowledge in Australia and Canada (Battiste & Henderson, 2000) (Dockery, 2010). Interest in protecting Indigenous knowledge is based on the desire to hang on to all remaining knowledge as Indigenous Elders pass away. Indigenous communities realize how much their culture has deteriorated and Eurocentric societies are now realizing the intrinsic value of Indigenous knowledge to the areas of resource and environmental management, biodiversity, health, and sustainable management policies. Currently, in urban centres across Canada, there are a handful of Indigenous knowledge centres working on a variety of tasks and most include native language revitalization programs (Wilson, 2004). Within the educational system there are some projects underway to institute Indigenous knowledge into the educational environments of young Indigenous children as well 49 as partnerships between First Nation communities and post-secondary institutions to focus curriculum and programming on local community content (Ball, 2004) (Wilson A. C., 2004). 2.6 IKC’s IN AUSTRALIA, CANADA, NEW ZEALAND, AND THE UNITED STATES Introduction to IKCs: Although this research undertaking looks at physical centres it should be noted that there are examples of non-physical IKC’s. Indigenous peoples have transmitted their language, cultures, and histories since time immemorial on the land. However, without a designated space having a physical centre can make the process of knowledge transmission easier in a post-colonial and modern technological world (Pilot, 2005). Having a physical space to come to for answers and assistance is not only a convenience but it can allow for • appropriate access to information so all community members can make use of it, ● safe storage of artifacts and ceremonial items, and ● safe storage and organization of recorded elder teachings. IKC’s, then, are both physical centres and non-physical centres that hold and protect a variety of knowledge and in turn facilitate the transmission of that knowledge to the community members to whom the knowledge belongs (Ngulube, 2002). There are a wide variety of knowledge centres around the world. They are quite varied in their preservation methods and use of knowledge; however, they are very much alike in their role to store and protect Indigenous knowledge and aid in the transmission of that knowledge. 50 There are two well documented IKC models in Australia, Queensland’s State Library IKC model and the Northern Territory’s Library and Knowledge Centre model (Pilot, 2005). Both models are similar to one another in providing library services as a core provision in creating a community IKC. One of the most important components of both models is an initial consultation process between the community and the State Library. The State Library of Queensland (SLQ) representatives work with the community and its leadership to develop plans for a community IKC. Local staff members are hired to be directly involved in the preparation and creation processes of the library facility. Under these two Australian IKC models each centre should meet the unique needs of its community (Pilot, 2005). The set up and stability of these government funded models are dependent upon strong community leadership as each community’s unique needs are determined by collaboration between community leaders and community members. The Australian IKC models include basic and free access to the resources held by a traditional library; it is then complemented with the input of the knowledge and materials deemed important by the Indigenous community, including the necessary equipment to record and present oral and visual traditions. There are very few Canadian IKC models and severely limited documentation on cultural centres in general. There is growing evidence suggesting that Canadian IKCs are of great importance to communities in re-gaining and maintaining language, knowledge, and culture; and they are essential to making culture and language relevant in the lives of Indigenous youth (Commanda, 2019). 51 The Evolution of IKCs: With Focus on Access, Retention & Transmission of Culture, Language & Spirituality: This section of the literature review looks at the early years of Indigenous knowledge centres and gives a brief overview of IKCs in Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United States which focus specifically on ● recording of Indigenous knowledge, language, stories, songs, and culture ● transmission of Indigenous knowledge, language, and culture from one generation to the next ● community building and outreach ● administrative practices ● cultural programming ● implementation of Indigenization and social justice. There are seven areas of IKC interest examined in this section of the literature review beginning with how and why Indigenous knowledge centres were initially formed; museum based IKC models which have evolved out of the repatriation of sacred and cultural items to their traditional owners; library based IKC models typically found in Australia; Indigenous knowledge centres incorporated within post-secondary institutions; community based Indigenous hubs and cultural centres; a brief overview of digitized-IKCs and virtual knowledge transmission in todays technology-based world, and challenges faced by IKCs. There are three important events credited with bringing about the development of IKC’s 1) the beginning of the end of colonial governments, 2) a paradigm shift in the moral practices of museums, and 52 3) recognition of the substantial loss of Indigenous culture and languages as a direct result of colonial governmental policy (Kreps, 2003) (Kreps, 2007). As political views and societal values began to change in the 1960’s and 70’s; Indigenous peoples began to become more visible in towns and cities and they began to vocalize their frustration for they ways they had been treated by colonial governments over centuries (Kreps, 2003) (McGaw & Pieris, 2015) (Rutherford, 2020). The First peoples of many nations held marches and political occupations looking to have their personal and collective land rights recognized by their respective governments. Amongst the societal and political unrest of the late 1960’s and the 1970s, museums began to fall under criticism for their curatory practices of collecting and displaying Indigenous artifacts including sacred and spiritual items as well as human remains. In fact, even as late as 1990 it’s been stated that more Indigenous items and antiquities were held in museum collections than all of those held by First Nation peoples (Kreps, 2003) (Kreps, 2008). As museums slowly began to concede and recognize the colonial curatorial practices they’d been following, many began to reach out to Indigenous communities. Slowly incidents of repatriation of their precious objects began to occur. It is also during this time that there was somewhat of an awakening period; colonial governments were forced to understand the enormity of what had been taken from Indigenous families and communities: rights, land, precious cultural and historical items, and a large piece of Indigenous culture (Kreps, 2003) (McGaw & Pieris, 2015). As communities embarked upon slowly regaining lands and rights, along with a slow return of their cultural artifacts, they also 53 began searching for methods to reverse cultural and language loss by creating community based cultural centres. There are a variety of IKC models around the world today; including museum-based centres, library-based centres and community based and oriented centres (Kreps, Curatorship as Social Practice, 2003) (McGaw & Pieris, 2015). Some centres serve the interests of tourists, a few are working to achieve reconciliation between colonial societies and Indigenous communities, while many others are focused on Indigenous community development, economic development and/or cultural maintenance. IKC names or terms can be as varied as their uses and purposes. They are often referred to as cultural centres or cultural education centres and even Native Hubs. Indigenous cultural centres are extremely varied in their use and purpose, but all have commonalities ● they recognize Indigenous culture as a ‘living phenomenon’ (McGaw & Pieris, 2015, p. 3) ● their goal is the recovery of Indigenous culture, language, and knowledge ● building and healing of community through cultural programming ● implement Indigenization and advance social justice (Delikat, 2017). Museum-Based IKC Model: Museum based cultural centres typically evolved out of the repatriation of sacred and cultural items amassed by large contemporary museums (Kreps, 2003). As museums became remorseful for the methods and means used over centuries to obtain historical collections, collaborations between museums and Indigenous communities were formed. Communities and institutions worked together to develop strategies for inclusion, ownership, and repatriation. 54 New institutions were formed because of the museum-community partnerships, and many began to be termed tribal museums and Indigenous cultural centres. While some of the museum based Indigenous cultural centres may function similarly to contemporary museums their purpose and motivation are usually drastically different (Kreps, 2003). Each museum based IKC is developed and presented by its community to showcase its own unique cultural identity (Kreps, 2003). Community members make decisions on their own cultural and historic items; how they are curated, displayed, interpreted, and preserved. Often the handling and display of artifacts are based on the cultural traditions and beliefs of the community rather than the anthropological methods of an institution. The museum portion institutes a means of income to fund the cultural centre. The display and interpretation of cultural artifacts can include activities and programs to endorse the communities’ cultural identity, and the entire site provides a space for the community to celebrate their cultural traditions. “The advent of tribal museums, which are both repositories and community centres, provide Native Americans with a positive sense of historical identity and an opportunity to look toward the future by sharing the past with the next generation” (Gulliford, 2000, p. 53). There are, of course, some challenges within the museum-based cultural centre model. Even though several communities have used a similar model others see the term ‘museum’ as an offensive one (Kreps, 2003). Understandably, most Indigenous community’s associate museums with their colonial-like practices of cultural acquisition and appropriation along with 55 the stealing of artifacts and ancestral remains in the name of science and education. It is because of this negative association that many prefer the term cultural centre over museum. It is a term that more aptly represents the dynamic nature of Indigenous culture and Indigenous cultural centres. “We don’t want museums; the word museum has a negative connotation signifying the place where dead things lie and where native people don’t go”. - Gloria Cranmer-Webster, Director of the U-Mista Cultural Centre in British Columbia, Canada (Doxtator, 1996, p. 64) Indigenous museums are typically quite different from their mainstream counterparts (Kreps, 2003) (Kreps, 2008) (McGaw & Pieris, 2015). In general, they reflect their own struggles and experiences with colonialism and their battles to re-gain their culture in a post-colonial era. The collections of Indigenous cultural museums are such that they do not “aspire to be included in the patrimony (of the nation, of great art, etc.) but to be inscribed within different traditions and practices, free of national, cosmopolitan patrimonies” (Clifford, 1991, p. 225) Museum-based cultural centres have the benefit of providing a safe, secure, and appropriate location to store and preserve a community’s sacred and historic cultural artifacts (Kreps, 2003) (McGaw & Pieris, 2015). Cultural centres resembling museums can be designed to respect ancient cultural traditions while also serving contemporary mandates (Kreps, 2003). A good example is that of the Australian Aboriginal tradition of ‘keeping places’, where secret and sacred materials were and are safely stored in a secure and safe location by very specific members of the community. ‘Keepers’ are traditionally trusted and initiated men in the 56 community whose role it is to maintain and protect the sacred objects of the community; ensuring their safety and secrecy while making certain that they are used appropriately and passed from one generation to the next. Keeping places were traditionally caves, secret places in nature where access could be restricted, and the secrecy of the sacred objects were maintained appropriately. The museum model allows a cultural centre to become a keeping place’. A secure, safe, and climate-controlled space to store secret and sacred objects with the ability to set protocols on access and appropriate use. Sacred objects can also continue to be used in ceremonies and celebrations as their keepers see fit. Rather than existing only as a display piece, artifacts can fulfill the role for which they were originally intended, as sacred cultural instruments. “Keeping places or ‘museums’…. provide accessible storage and enable the context, function, and symbolism of artefacts to be communicated to others within the community through oral traditions such as storytelling, song, dialogue and through events such as dances, rituals and ceremonies, but only within traditional cultural parameters and subject to restrictions of ownership, initiation and so on” (Simpson M. G., 1996, p. 113). Library-Based IKC Model: Library-based Indigenous cultural centres are typically found only in Australia. The model was created in the states of the Northern Territory and Queensland to provide remote Indigenous communities with library and information services as well as to provide support for communities looking to preserve and protect their cultural heritage (Nakata, et al., 2014) (Pilot, 57 2005). The Australian government is currently directing funding towards initiatives that can positively influence educational, social, and economic issues in Indigenous communities (Nakata, et al., 2007). By teaming up with Indigenous communities, to build cultural centres, state libraries with their brand of skills and services can increase their significance in terms of government goals and objectives (Nakata, et al., 2007). The Queensland State Library describes their model as one of ‘flexibility’ and ‘partnership’ (Pilot, 2005). Indigenous Knowledge Centres (IKC’s) are carefully and slowly developed through extensive discussions and planning with an interested community. Local government council and community members are directly involved in the planning and implementation of the centres. Local Indigenous staff are recruited early in the process so that they will be involved in the planning and executing of the development plan. Each centre, once operational, offers free community access to the typical resources of a traditional library including a wide variety of books for all levels, periodicals, and a bank of computers providing free internet access (Pilot, 2005). Centres are owned, managed, and staffed by local and regional councils (State Library of Queensland, 2012). The cultural component of the IKC is organized and guided completely under the direction of the community and its leadership, including the storage and protection of stories, songs, language, traditions, artifacts, and artwork. The community makes decisions on all aspects of use of their cultural heritage including its creation, retrieval, dissemination, utilization, and ownership (Pilot, 2014). The State Library is responsible for the partial funding of IKC initial development and facilitating the set-up of the centre (State Library of Queensland, n.d.). They continue the 58 relationship by providing ongoing support to IKC’s in the form of support staff, training, and literacy programming. In Queensland the IKCs, associated with the State Library, are all provided with materials to assist communities with the documentation and preservation of their oral and visual traditions, including audio-video equipment, as well as computer and storage technology (Pilot, 2005). A list of protocols and procedures has been developed within both the Queensland and Northern Territory State Libraries to protect and restrict access to certain Indigenous knowledge as well as to acknowledge and ascertain ownership of knowledge (Nakata, et al., 2014). Software is available to communities for the storage and organization of their cultural archives. The state of the Northern Territory has worked to obtain and develop the ‘Our Story’ database software (Steyn, 2010). Originally developed in mid-1990 for Indigenous communities in the northern region of South Australia, it is designed to assist communities to care for and build upon their own local knowledge archive. The program runs in conjunction with a fully supported database facility and allows a variety of local material to be added to the system and then makes it available for display. The program supports a multitude of file types including those for moving images, still images, audio files, as well as scanned and created documents. Nakata et al (2007) discuss several benefits of a library-based cultural centre. First, they believe that the model offers communities the ability to pick and choose the options that best fit their unique needs, interests, and priorities. Second, the flexible and personalized model offers the community a strong sense of ownership of the centre. Third, the model allows for a high degree of standardization in terms of the quality of service each community receives. As the training, set up and support are offered up by the State Library there should be a sense of 59 standardization from one centre to another. Fourth, this model allows for the staggering of services over time as a community increases its capacity or its needs change over time. Fifth, there is the capacity for the building of networks amongst Indigenous communities as they can meet to discuss similar strategies, challenges, or interests. Sixth, the library-based model offers a dual knowledge system at its heart. By offering services and information in Indigenous knowledge as well as Western knowledge the system offers a more complex knowledge and information context opposed to a system operating in only one knowledge system. Finally, by providing informal activities that can complement or add-on to learning programs library-based models can contribute to community well-being. There are, of course, several challenges for this type of Indigenous cultural centre as well. Nakata et al (2007) list adequate space as a major stumbling block. Few remote communities have enough empty space appropriate for such a program and its tangible assets. The employment and training of local staff is listed as a challenge for both State libraries (Nakata, et al., 2007) (Pilot, 2005). There is very limited local training for the skills needed to operate a cultural centre/library. The State Library of Queensland affirms that technology and communication issues are a major challenge for them in their remote community locations. Internet connections can be slow and unreliable and access to qualified support people for repairs or updates can be difficult (Pilot, 2005). Continuous funding can be an issue for many cultural centres and library-based models are no exception. Although some funding for initial and annual funding comes from the State Library of Queensland and the Northern Territories Library and Information Services there is still funding that must be tracked down by the community on a yearly basis (Nakata, et al., 2014). There are Indigenous and non-Indigenous 60 peoples who adamantly believe that Indigenous knowledge and cultural heritage should not be collected and stored within a non-Indigenous institution. This is a difficult argument for an outsider to venture into, however, Nakata et al (2014) acknowledges that whatever side you may stand on large amounts of Indigenous knowledge are already stored and managed within libraries - knowledge that was appropriated by anthropologists, scientists, and explorers from Indigenous peoples around the world over centuries. IKCs Operating Within Post-Secondary Institutions: Melissa Delikat (2017) states that Indigenous Knowledge Centres on college and university campuses are essential to advancing efforts to decolonize post-secondary education and greater society. As one of the only academics studying post-secondary IKCs she argues that when centres are deeply woven into the fabric of colleges and universities they acknowledge the validity of Indigenous language, culture and knowledge while supporting and giving voice to their Indigenous students. Indigenous offices and student centres seed the garden of social justice, intercultural learning, reconciliation, and healing. On campus IKCs, as defined by Delikat (2017), exist across Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United States. Typically, they are either developed through a formal partnership with an Indigenous community or as part of an informal acknowledgement to a regional community, or peoples, and the traditional lands on which they are located. Centres provide dedicated space for Indigenous knowledge, ways of knowing and cultural awareness. Their mission is to provide academic support, inter-cultural sharing, teaching, and learning for Indigenous students while giving voice to those students fighting for social justice in the post- 61 secondary system. The non-Indigenous students, staff and the outside community are offered Indigenous instruction, guidance on Indigenizing institutional policies and helping the institution to achieve its decolonization and social justice goals. Higher education IKCs can look very different from one campus to another. While most occupy a physical building on campus, others may only occupy outdoor space (Delikat, 2017). Centres can range from an entire cultural building to small social spaces and offices on campus, to outdoor Medicine Gardens teachings and meditation spaces or a combination thereof. Community Based Indigenous Hubs & Cultural Centres: Reyna Ramirez (2007) is a pioneer in the field of Native American hubs and community based cultural centres. In her book, ‘Native Hubs: Culture, Community and Belonging in Silicon Valley and Beyond’, she describes the concept of community hubs as geographical concept that bring Indigenous peoples in urban spaces together to renew a sense of culture, identity and belonging. She argues that urban hubs and urban cultural spaces may, or may not, occupy a designated physical space. Gathering sites or hubs can include cultural events like powwows and sweat lodge ceremonies but they can also include social or political happenings, like community meetings or family gatherings. The goal of a hub is to bring together some of the millions of urban Indigenous peoples, and their descendants, who were removed from their traditional lands via assimilation policies and land seizures. Many of the hubs, Ramirez (2007) discusses in her book, revolve around the remarkable transformation of ordinary and provisional urban gathering sites (i.e., school gymnasiums, conference rooms and parks) into culturally safe and spiritual spaces using Indigenous 62 ceremonies, prayers, songs and sweat lodges. Urban Indigenous peoples, particularly those without connection to traditional lands, community or identity can feel embraced and welcome within these spaces. Their identities, cultures, health, and spiritual wellbeing are celebrated here. Urban cultural centres can be part of a powerful interconnected web of gatherings and cultural revival settings to renew Indigenous spirit when traditional lands and communities are not an option. Participants interviewed by Ramirez (2007) describe these gatherings as philosophically transformative. “They can also connect Indian people to the spiritual realm that enlarges these physically small areas to encompass the whole world – Indian people pray to the Creator, their ancestors, and to all of their relations since the beginning of time – suggesting its virtual dimension. Participants learn Indigenous knowledge and philosophies when they connect with ancestors through songs and prayers. The outside world is forgotten, overtaken by a Native American world. This spiritual unmapping of the white world gives Indian people the time and the space to reconnect to a physical and spiritual reality where Indian people truly belong. Sweat lodges are sites for some Native Americans to relearn values about respect – values that are deeply embedded within tribal traditions. These values can then be brought out into the public sphere to transform a non-Indian, hegemonic culture and community to one that reflects a more respectful Indigenous society…. In this way, spirituality fully realized is a passionate, deeply felt experience that can move people to act to change the world around them, bridging the private 63 and the public realms. Challenging Western epistemology that views rationality and emotions as competing concerns.” (Ramirez, 2007, p. 69). As with other types of Indigenous knowledge centres, urban community hubs can support the healing of emotional and spiritual wounds (Ramirez, 2007). Ramirez asserts, that in addition to using the typical urban gathering spaces, personal homes can also be treated as cultural hubs. Small humble urban spaces can be transformed when imbued with Indigenous culture, language, songs, stories, and ceremonies. People who cannot physically connect to their ancestral homelands can instead be connected metaphysically via a web of relationality and spirituality. Home spaces and backyard gatherings can provide urban Indigenous peoples with healing, as well as the opportunity to learn organization skills, declare their voices, and work towards self-determination with other urban Indigenous peoples to make tangible differences in the world around them. Digitized Indigenous Knowledge Collections & Virtual Knowledge Transmission: Digitized Indigenous knowledge collections (D-IKCs) and access to virtual information are sometimes controversial in Indigenous knowledge preservation and transmission. As Covid-19 restrictions begin to lift after two years of intermittent lockdowns the conversation has a slightly different perspective. So many around the world have had to rely on virtual platforms for their social and cultural interactions. Many institutions including libraries, museums, post-secondary institutions, heritage organizations as well as communities have gathered and stored Indigenous 64 virtual/digital cultural information as their own for centuries (Liew, Yeates, & Lilley, 2021). As access to information technology increases around the world Indigenous collections are openly available online within Western institutions. A recent study from Liew, Yeates and Lilley (2021) suggests although digital access, digital competency and responsiveness to cultural values continue to be areas of concern, virtual access to D-IKCs brought benefits to Indigenous users in New Zealand. Participants in the study say D-IKC gave them access to cultural materials they otherwise would not have had access to. Digital formats and cultural information allowed for greater flexibility and convenience for users in time and space. The exploration of digital resources increased following discussion with other students, instructors, and community Elders. Information could be easily shared to other family members and others who would also appreciate the content. Although more research is necessary there is evidence suggesting that the use of good quality audio and visual recordings may represent a shift away from Western documentation and a form of return to oral/aural and experiential transmission of Indigenous culture. First Nations Confederacy of Cultural Education Centres (FNCCEC): Although the First Nations Confederacy of Cultural Education Centres (FNCCEC) organization is not a part of this research undertaking it is important to explain who they are and what they do, as they represent and provide a voice for fifty-five cultural education centres across Canada including the Yamózha Kúé Society (First Nation Confederacy of Cultural Education Centres, 2014). Their comprehensive report ‘The Role of Cultural Education Centres 65 in First Nations Education’ also plays a role in the evaluation of Indigenous Knowledge Centres in Canada. ‘Cultural Education Centres’, by definition, appear to be similar to ‘Indigenous Knowledge Centres’ in that they both endeavor to provide opportunities to share language and culture and promote local Indigenous knowledge for the benefit of community members. The difference seems to lie in the Indigenous Knowledge Centre’s emphasis on storage and protection of local history and knowledge. The FNCCEC is a Canadian non-profit organization that works to provide representation for its members across the country which together embody the cultural diversity of over three hundred First Nation communities (First Nation Confederacy of Cultural Education Centres, 2014). With the support of Chief and Elders across the nation the FNCCEC began work to promote and protect its member centres while aiding in the revitalization and maintenance of the languages, cultures, and traditions of Canadian First Nations. The organization provides public service initiatives and supplies information to academic institutions, government bodies and the public. In addition, they offer support and training to their cultural education centres with their language immersion expertise, technology training, curriculum development, curatorship instruction, archiving and collection of knowledge (First Nation Confederacy of Cultural Education Centres, 2014). The FNCCEC began in 1971 and incorporated in 1994 (First Nation Confederacy of Cultural Education Centres, 2014) (First Nation Confederacy of Cultural Education Centres, 2014). The organization began in response to difficult relations with the Canadian government over First Nations education and autonomy issues. In 1972 the federal government (then the Ministry of Indigenous Affairs and Northern Development Canada) created a First Nations 66 education policy to financially support the Cultural Education Centres Program (CECP). The CECP continues to provide some level of funding to the FNCCEC and its education centres. The CECP government funding is not without complications and some level of control as there is funding discrepancy. There are three types of cultural education centres under the government CECP funding; corporate centres, community-based cultural education centres and band directed cultural programs. Challenges, Security & Protocols to Protect Indigenous Knowledge in IKCs: As colonialism and assimilation policies threatened Indigenous knowledge, language and culture, cultural preservation and transmission techniques were employed. All good deeds, however, come with challenges and issues. Many argue that documenting Indigenous knowledge diminishes its holistic and oral nature and there by it loses integrity in the process (Nakata, Byrne, Nakata, & Gardiner, 2005). Most scholars agree, however, that the losses and risks are too great to not document Indigenous languages, culture, and knowledge. Another major challenge for IKCs, and IKCs within Western Institutions, lies in the fact that Indigenous knowledge is a distinct system of knowledge, and its management differs greatly from the Western applied system of knowledge management (Nakata, Byrne, Nakata, & Gardiner, 2005). Differences aside, documentation of Indigenous knowledge is critically important, and thus it is imperative that Indigenous cultural protocols are put into place and access to the public is restricted (Gumbula, 2005) (Liew, Yeates, & Lilley, 2021) (Nakata, Byrne, Nakata, & Gardiner, 2005). The cultural and intellectual ownership rights of Indigenous peoples are typically not enshrined into legislation, and although institutions may acknowledge the 67 importance of protecting Indigenous rights, problems within Western institutions persist (Foana'ota, 2007) (Nakata, Byrne, Nakata, & Gardiner, 2005). The methods of protection and preservation employed by Western institutions over Indigenous information typically involve Western views and practices (Liew, Yeates, & Lilley, 2021) (Nakata, Byrne, Nakata, & Gardiner, 2005). Western institutions are often the creators and holders of the photos, videos, audio files, books, and artifacts in their possession (Foana'ota, 2007) (Nakata, Byrne, Nakata, & Gardiner, 2005). Often the information professionals in these institutions do not understand cultural protocols despite their best intentions (Liew, Yeates & Lilley, 2021). These issues become more complex and pressing when dealing with digital collections because of the open access nature of western institutions. Even with advances in technology, concerns regarding the access and security of digital Indigenous knowledge collections (D-IKCs) are still significant problem areas (Liew, Yeates & Lilley, 2021). Participants in Liew, Yeates and Lilley’s study (2021) noted that Western knowledge or memory institutions had provided open access to Māori sensitive and sacred cultural information online. Another noteworthy area of concern from the research study was the archival profession’s power over Indigenous communities and the Indigenous knowledge they are trying to protect. Liew, Yeates and Lilley’s study (2021) suggests there may be two potential solutions to these important problems. The first, requires Western institutions Indigenizing the process by hiring Indigenous professionals to make all decisions on security, access, and cultural protocols. The second, and perhaps the best approach overall, is the repatriation of materials and the development of an Indigenous institution which records, preserves, and protects its own 68 cultural collections. This method not only gives all ownership and control to the community to which it belongs, but it allows for the development of Indigenous systems of security and protocols through-out. At the Galiwin’ku IKC in northeast Arnhem Land (Northern Territory) in Australia, the community produces their own current cultural initiatives for future generations. Joe Neparrna Gumbula (2005) searches archives, private collections and institutions throughout Australia and negotiates for copies to be added to his community’s IKC. All Yolnu materials undergo an Indigenized community protocol process to determine where and how each piece fits into their IKC and who will be allowed access to it. The process is the same for all artifacts, photos, and recordings of community members, ceremonies, languages, songs, dances, and designs. Gumbula created a graphic to visually portray the complex Indigenized protocol process cultural materials undertake (Figure 3.1 Yolnu Knowledge Owners, Rights and Responsibilities). In addition to individuals controlling and owning their own physical and intellectual property rights, each group within the Galiwin’ku IKC community has secondary property rights to the materials of their family members. “The super-groups or moieties who possess these two constitutions are called Dhuwa and Yirritja, Each Yolnu group exists under one constitution or the other. My group, Gupapuyna, is Yirritja while my wife’s group, Datiwuy, is Dhuwa, and under Yolnu law we must marry outside our own moieties. This fundamental law ensures cooperation and socio-political balance between Dhuwa Yolnu and Yirritja Yolnu… Three strata of knowledge, ceremony and law are held by each Yolnu group. They are narra (restricted), dhuni’ (peri- 69 restricted) and garma (public). All Yolnu materials including artefacts, photos and recordings of people, places, ceremonies language, songs, dances and designs are bound by these principles.” Joe Neparrna Gumbula. (Gumbula, 2005, pp. 23-24). Over the past fifty years in Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United States there have been several variations of IKCs created specifically for community healing and reclamation of Indigenous language, culture, Figure 1: Explanation of Yolnu knowledge protocol: owners, rights, and responsibilities (Joe Neparrna Gumbula, 2005, p. 24) ceremony, and traditional knowledge in response to strong colonial and assimilation policies. There are structural differences between centres; some have walls of their own while others make use of homes, back yards, public spaces, and online communities. They often have very different administrative practices and can be found operating independently or functioning from within a Western institution. Most have their own distinctive cultural programming. Some safeguard cultural or ceremonial artifacts, while others hold art galleries and allow community members to market their art and crafts. Some teach others in the wider 70 community about their shared histories while others focus solely on sharing with their own community members. There are centres with fully developed and complex security protocols and others who want to share everything they have. Yet, IKCs in Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United States boast more similarities than differences. The vast majority have mandates to record, preserve, and protect as much of their culture, language, stories, art, and traditional knowledge as possible. Their goal is to transmit valuable cultural knowledge to their Indigenous community members and allow that transmission to strengthen and thrive for many generations to come. IKCs are building community from the ground up and making positive change for many. They are Indigenizing policies and institutions. They are changing our narrative and speaking up for those without a voice. In the words of Melissa Delikat (2017) IKCs are providing “strong medicine”. 2.7 SIGNIFICANT GAPS WITHIN THE LITERATURE There are significant gaps in the literature when it comes to • how IKCs function in the protection of Indigenous knowledges • how IKCs benefit the transmission of Indigenous knowledge from one generation to the next • what are the wise practices of successful and established IKCs in their work to protect and transmit Indigenous knowledge in Australia and Canada? The conservation of Indigenous knowledge, language and culture are vitally important for many Indigenous communities, especially given the stressful state of the world. It is the hope of the researcher that the sharing of data obtained in this research study will aid in filling some of the 71 gaps within the academic literature and enable Indigenous communities to access this information to support their own plan for cultural transmission. 2.8 CONCLUSION Marie Battiste, (2002) a well-known and respected Canadian Indigenous scholar, states that initiatives to document Indigenous knowledge are a step in the right direction; however, to ensure Indigenous culture and language survive we must work harder to improve the transmission of language and knowledge between generations. Although all efforts taken to document, protect and transmit cultural information, in Australia and Canada are helping, there is much more that needs to be accomplished (Battiste, 2000) (Battiste & Henderson, 2000) (Chandler & Lalonde, 2008) (Chandler & Proulx, 2006) (McGregor, 2004) (Simpson L, 2002) (Simpson L. R., 2004) (Wilson A. C., 2004). The loss of Indigenous land, knowledge, culture, and language has been ongoing since colonization began. Although Indigenous peoples are amongst the most resilient and strong societies in the world, the damage already done to knowledge, language and culture cannot be measured. Most Indigenous scholars agree it will require many years of work coupled with ample resources to reacquire and reclaim previous levels of knowledge, culture, and language. To allow for the most efficient means and the greatest chance of success, more work and research is required to determine wise practices of cultural transmission and the most promising methods for the future protection of culture, knowledge, and language. I hope some of this information may give insight and options for Indigenous communities when establishing their owns plan to reclaim knowledge, culture, and language. 72 “Assimilation policies failed because Aboriginal people have the secret of cultural survival. They have an enduring sense of themselves as peoples with a unique heritage and the right to cultural continuity. This is what drives them when they blockade roads, protest at military bases, and occupy sacred grounds. This is why they resist pressure to merge into Euro-Canadian society – a form of cultural suicide urged upon them in the name of 'equality' and 'modernization'. Assimilation policies have done great damage, leaving a legacy of brokenness affecting Aboriginal individuals, families, and communities. The damage has been equally serious to the spirit of Canada – the spirit of generosity and mutual accommodation in which Canadians take pride. Yet the damage is not beyond repair. The key is to reverse the assumptions of assimilation that still shape and constrain Aboriginal life chances – despite some worthy reforms in the administration of Aboriginal affairs.” Excerpt from the Report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, A Word from Commissioners. (https://www.rcaanc- cirnac.gc.ca/eng/1100100014597/1572547985018) (Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, 1996). 73 CHAPTER THREE - METHODOLOGY 3.0 INTRODUCTION TO METHODOLOGY The research objectives for this undertaking were to look at examples of successful IKCs in Australia and Canada in order to: i) determine what benefits IKCs can provide in the protection and transmission of Indigenous knowledge; ii) establish a list of wise practices from successful IKCs; iii) look at ways of learning and acquiring knowledge, and iv) share the results with Indigenous communities. To meet these objectives the researcher created a list of relevant questions for IKC professionals that would generate an accurate and meaningful result for all participants. Care was essential to ensure the methodology allowed for a research paradigm that was both protective and respectful of Indigenous culture and still provided intellectual and theoretical rigor for academic consistency. Over the course of history, there have been many injustices carried out against Indigenous peoples around the world in the name of academic research (Schnarch, 2004) (Smith, 1999). In Decolonizing Methodologies, an immensely influential book discussing methods to decolonize the academic research process, Smith (1999) talks at length about the atrocities bestowed upon Indigenous peoples over centuries around the world. In the name of research, Smith (1999) concludes that many academics have stolen the remains of ancestors, labelled Indigenous knowledge and ways of being as uncivilized, incited racist theories, and have taken immeasurable quantities of Indigenous knowledge for their own use and for material gain. 74 With such a history of atrocity committed against Indigenous peoples in the name of research, current and future research about or with Indigenous people and their communities demands the use of culturally appropriate theories and methodologies. Theories and methodologies that are both ethically responsible and respectful of indigenous worldviews (Atkinson, 2009) (Bainbridge, Whiteside, & McCalman, 2012) (Wilson S., 2008). Ethically responsible research, however, goes beyond having one’s research methodologies examined by a research ethics board (Sieber & Tolich, 2012). Researchers need to educate themselves, not only on their research topics, but also on respectful cultural research, the ethical concerns of their participants and ensure they take responsibility for their own ethical conduct throughout the research project (Sieber & Tolich, 2012). Similarly, the word respect, from the perspective of Indigenous culture, means much more than a researcher behaving responsibly while interviewing a participant (Wilson S., 2009) “Respect means that you listen intently to others’ ideas that you do not insist that your idea prevails. By listening intently, you show honour, consider the well-being of others, and treat others with kindness and courtesy” (Evelyn Steinhauer, Respect is one of the seven Grandfather teachings, 2001, p. 86 in Wilson, 2009). It is essential for all researchers working with Indigenous communities to ensure that their research, methodologies, paradigms, and theories are permeated with the fundamental aspects of Indigenous culture; respect, reciprocity, and relationality (Wilson, 2009). Combined with academic critical theory, Indigenous methodology can assist the researcher in applying a ‘decolonizing’ lens to their respective research (Kovach, 2009). 75 3.1 QUALITATIVE INDUCTIVE RESEARCH Qualitative inductive reasoning seeks to answer a research query using gathered data as its strong supportive evidence (Gray D. E., 2009). It gives relevance and importance to the voice and to personal experience of research participants. Research conducted with the use of inductive reasoning is well-suited to decolonizing methodologies because it gives importance to the use of culture, story, life history and unstructured interviews as evidence (Kovach, 2009). By making culture and life history important in the evidence authority is given to the research participant rather than the researcher who may well carry personal or cultural biases. Research and the Theory of Radical Indigenism: It is important for non-Indigenous researchers investigating Indigenous topics to be very aware of biases, both conscious and unconscious. ‘Academic colonialism’, a term coined by Walter Mignolo, (1994) is the challenge Western researchers face when interpreting Indigenous traditions through a Western lens. Indigenous traditions and knowledge may be unintentionally misinterpreted, distorted or reduced in importance because of their own very different theoretical perspectives. Kwame Anthony Appiah (1993) states that Western researchers have models of inquiry that are very different from those of Indigenous peoples; they tend to emphasize experimentation, misconstrue sensory information, place too much emphasis on knowledge acquisition and universal dissemination and often take an adversarial approach to research undertakings. Scientific and Western models of inquiry often want to cut back or sanitize spiritual and sacred knowledge (Garroutte E. M., 2006) (Garroutte, 2019). Western researchers often label sacred knowledge as primitive and inferior in relation to scientific 76 knowledge. Eva Marie Garroutte (2006), an American Indigenous researcher, developed a theoretical perspective for research on Indigenous peoples; she calls it Radical Indigenism. Radical Indigenism, as she sees it, aims to highlight the distinctions and assumptions a dominant culture can create about non-dominant knowledges; then makes a case for the non- dominant knowledge to be restated and rebuilt. 3.2 GROUNDED THEORY Gray (2009) states that grounded theory is one of the most significant research theories for qualitative investigations into social and cultural studies. Grounded theory is an inductive research approach, based on the researcher having proficient knowledge of their research topic (while having no prior assumptions on the hypothesis) with detailed research questions or definitive literature to reinforce the result. It is important to note that it is framed exclusively in Western academic interpretation. Data is primarily put together by the participants’ experience and knowledge to allow for it to reflect participants’ motivations, explanations, achievements, and relationships as well as the effects and consequences of their actions. Issues deemed important by the participants must be allowed to come forward in the data. Careful and constant analysis of the collected data should then ideally unveil theoretical views or detailed understandings that are not clouded by prior misconceptions. Data collected from research participants is carefully analyzed using a structured coding system (Gray, 2009). Coding is often done using qualitative analysis software. The coding system of analysis searches participant data using three main methods including open coding, axial coding, and selective coding. The initial process of open coding involves consistently 77 comparing occurrences within the data; looking for similarities to previous occurrences and then asking questions enabling the researcher to identify concepts and categories within the data. Axial coding allows for a more detailed analysis of the data by looking closely at the categories and sub-categories previously identified (Gray, 2009). The researcher looks at relationships and conditions that may have occurred to have caused a specific phenomenon but also at the context, actions, interactions, and consequences related to the specific event. The final stage of analysis, selective coding allows researchers to draw theory from the collected data of their participants (Gray, 2009). The researcher takes all the conditions, context, actions, and consequences found in the data, through axial coding, and uses this information to then identify a theory or storyline which connects the events as well as experiences. The emerging narrative or theory, already identified through the coding process, should highlight social processes that may have occurred unconsciously around a phenomenon and reveal relationships between core and sub-categories. This process is designed to facilitate and validate relationships within the data; however, it should be noted that identifying and preparing for researcher bias may not prevent it from influencing the research process and no research method is guaranteed to prevent bias. 3.3 CONSTRUCTIVIST GROUNDED THEORY Constructivist grounded theory is a variation of grounded theory which strives to address the issue of power within the researcher and participant relationship and asserts that no one can be truly objective because we are all products of our own life experiences and 78 realities (Bainbridge, Whiteside, & McCalman, 2012) (Mills, Van de Bunt, & de Bruijn, 2006). All individuals have unconscious underlying assumptions which in turn shape our worldviews and our concepts of truth and reality. These biases allow the researcher to unconsciously influence data and theory with their own personal experience. This modified theory aims to keep the culturally protective benefits of grounded theory while eliminating prior assumptions made unconsciously by the researcher (Bainbridge, Whiteside, & McCalman, 2012) (Mills, Van de Bunt, & de Bruijn, 2006). Through both awareness and careful design, data obtained by constructivist grounded theory is seen to be co- constructed by both the researcher and the research participant. Constructivist theorists believe that data does not portray reality; but rather, reality comes out of the personal interaction between researcher and participant as well as their temporal, cultural and structural realities (Mills, Van de Bunt, & de Bruijn, 2006). When searching for meaning within the data researchers need to look below the surface of the data to search out the participants’ values, beliefs, and ideologies. Constructivists see the researcher as a co-producer of the data because they are encouraging their participants to be descriptive in re-telling stories so that they can better construct a theory from the interpretation of the participants’ stories. Bainbridge, Whiteside and McCalman (2012) state that constructivist grounded theory allows for a research paradigm that is both protective and respectful of Indigenous culture yet can still provide intellectual and theoretical rigor for academic acumen. The authors of the Bainbridge et al study worked specifically with Australian Aboriginal communities; however, I 79 believe that this theory is equally appropriate and respectful for use with other indigenous research projects as well. 3.4 DECOLONIZATION OF RESEARCH PARADIGM Indigenous methodology should be seen to have made all necessary efforts to decolonize the research paradigm (Kovach, 2009) (Smith, 1999) (Wilson S., 2009). Decolonization of the paradigm is the simple act of recognizing the colonial power within research paradigms and academic theories (for example, underlying assumptions, motivations, and values) (Smith, 1999). By simply recognizing the colonizing attributes within traditional academic research paradigms and academic theories we can begin to rid the system of its power, thus beginning the process of allowing Indigenous research participants to assert their own control over Indigenous culture, worldview, and ways of knowing. Margret Kovach (2009), a Canadian Indigenous scholar, states that there are three approaches to incorporating a decolonizing lens to research framework. The first approach she discusses is tribal methodology, whereby the research framework is solely focused on Indigenous or tribal knowledges and therefore only a very minimal amount of decolonization theory needs to be applied. This method of research will likely be seen as very respectful of Indigenous culture and worldview, unfortunately, it will likely not be fully recognized within a western academic institution because it doesn’t follow conventional approaches to methodology. Kovach’s (2009) second approach to incorporating a decolonizing lens to research framework employs a critical academic theory (recognized as a transformative theoretical base 80 in western academic institutions) with an Indigenous framework acknowledged by Indigenous scholars. This approach is much more likely than the first to be recognized by western academic institutions and it could well be seen as responsible research by Indigenous scholars and Indigenous communities. The third decolonizing approach suggested by Kovach (2009) uses a decolonizing lens as an important component within a Eurocentric theoretical framework; however, Indigenous methodology is not an integral part of the framework. This approach may be recognized by western academic institutions but may not be well respected amongst Indigenous scholars and Indigenous communities. In Margaret Kovach’s book, Indigenous Methodologies: Characteristics, Conversations and Contexts (2009), she and other Indigenous scholars express their deep concern over the “misinterpretations, appropriations, and dismissals” that so often go along with academic institutions and research involving Indigenous peoples. It is easy for researchers and indeed institutions to hide behind the rhetoric of decolonization and respectful research. If we are to see a future where many types of knowledge can live equally and reverently within communities, cultures, and institutions then research and its institutions must be an integral part of change. If genuine culturally respectful epistemologies are combined with truly Indigenous methodological frameworks, there is great potential to change the way academy’s function. 81 3.5 INDIGENOUS PARADIGM AND METHODOLOGY Imperative to respectful research with Indigenous peoples and communities is the use of a culturally respectful critical theory upheld by respected Indigenous research paradigms (Kovach, 2009) (Smith, 1999) (Wilson S., 2009). Wilson (2008) states that a research paradigm is a set of beliefs about the world around us; these beliefs are what guide us while doing research. Research paradigms are comprised of ontology, epistemology, axiology, and methodology. Indigenous research paradigms are founded in underlying beliefs, guided by an Indigenous worldview, that direct the way we do research (Kovach, 2009) (Wilson S., 2008) (Wilson S., 2009). Ontology, being the way that we view reality, will undoubtedly be shaped by worldview (Hart, 2010). In an Indigenous worldview spirituality and reciprocity are extraordinarily significant, and the spirit world can be directly linked and even interconnected with the physical world. Another important aspect of Indigenous worldview is the notion of reciprocity, to give and receive honourably within a mutual relationship. Reciprocity is an essential creed for many Indigenous cultures. If these are all cornerstones of Indigenous worldview and Indigenous ontology, they must then be part of the foundation in an Indigenous research paradigm. Epistemology is how we think about reality (Wilson S., 2008). Hart (2010) and Kovach (2005; 2009) see Indigenous epistemology as a flexible way of knowing that comes out of many generations of teachings and knowledge; through language, stories, intuition, and the connection between the physical and the spiritual. This knowing and thinking about reality is 82 reliant upon Elders and leaders, it is constantly developed through the transmission of knowledge from one generation to another throughout time. Methodology is the method we use to gain knowledge about reality (Wilson, 2008). Indigenous methodology is how we go about gaining knowledge about reality while allowing Indigenous participants to feel comfortable and confident in their own reality and with their own ways of knowing (Kovach M., 2009) (Hart, 2010). An Indigenous methodology ensures that researchers are accountable to participating Indigenous communities, fulfilling their commitment and relationship with the community and with the world around them in a meaningful and respectful manner. It emphasizes that this commitment involves reciprocity, accountability to community and participants, and the understanding that knowledge obtained will be used by the community as well as researcher. Axiology is the set of ethics and morals used pertaining to research (Wilson, 2008). Indigenous axiology then includes the ethics and morals found within an Indigenous worldview and within cultural conventions (i.e.., the Seven Grandfather Teachings) (Hart, 2010) (Wilson S., 2008). Hart (2010), a Cree scholar from Manitoba, created a set of eleven values to satisfying an Indigenous axiology. 1) “Indigenous control over research, which can be demonstrated by having Indigenous people developing, approving, and implementing the research. 2) A respect for individuals and community, which can be demonstrated by a researcher seeking and holding knowledge and being considerate of community and the diversity and unique nature that each individual brings to community. 83 3) Reciprocity and responsibility, which can be demonstrated in ways a researcher would relate and act within a community, such as a researcher sharing and presenting ideas with the intent of supporting a community. 4) Respect and safety, which can be evident when the research participants feel safe and are safe. This includes addressing confidentiality in a manner desired by the research participants. 5) Non-intrusive observation, where one, such as a researcher, would be quietly aware and watching without interfering with the individual and community processes. 6) Deep listening and hearing with more than the ears, where one would carefully listen and pay attention to how his/her heart and sense of being is emotionally and spiritually moved. 7) Reflective non-judgement, where one would consider what is being seen and heard without immediately placing a sense of right or wrong on what is shared and where one would consider what is said within the context presented by the speaker. 8) To honor what is shared, which can be translated to fulfilling the responsibility to act with fidelity to the relationship between the participants and the researcher and to what has been heard, observed, and learned. 9) An awareness and connection between the logic of the mind and the feelings of the heart, where both the emotional and cognitive experiences are incorporated into all actions. 10) Self-awareness, where one would listen and observe oneself, particularly in relation to others during the research process; and 84 11) Subjectivity, where the researcher acknowledges that she or he brings her or his subjective self to the research process and openly and honestly discusses this subjectivity” (Hart, 2010, pp. 9-10). Also relevant to Indigenous paradigm and methodology, particularly in central Canada, are the Seven Grandfather Teachings of the Anishinaabe (Wilson, 2008). The Seven Grandfather Teachings are life teachings given to the Anishinaabe peoples by seven grandfathers who had been given the responsibility to watch over peoples of the Earth by the Creator (Benton-Banai, 1988). The seven teachings are philosophies by which to live a healthy and moral life. They include wisdom, love, respect, bravery, honesty, humility, and truth. These seven teachings are deeply woven into the worldview of the Anishinaabe peoples, and similarly into the lives of Indigenous worldviews. Clearly, there are countless differences between a Eurocentric worldview and an Indigenous worldview. Indigenous worldview includes beliefs, values, language, cosmology, and epistemology and all are important parts of First Peoples culture (Battiste, 2005) (Hart, 2010) (Kovach M., 2009) (Wilson S., 2009). It is then, incredibly important to find a research paradigm that not only allows for cultural respect and worldview but also allows for the integration of knowledge, ways of being and ways of knowing (Bainbridge, Whiteside, & McCalman, 2012). In academic institutions dominant research paradigms have been built upon the conviction that knowledge is a very specific entity; it is pursued and obtained by researchers who in turn become the possessors of that accumulated knowledge (Wilson, 2009). Knowledge 85 gained and utilized in such a manner can be used to reinforce power and authority; giving research processes their colonial characteristic (Kovach M., 2009) (Smith, 1999). In direct comparison to dominant research paradigms, Indigenous paradigms are built upon the credence that knowledge is relational (Hart, 2010) (Kovach M., 2009) (Wilson S., 2008). Based on Indigenous worldview, knowledge is to be shared with all creation including the universe, all living creatures, plant life and the Earth. Researchers working within this Indigenous paradigm are responsible for the dissemination and sharing of the knowledge they have obtained. Indigenous knowledge itself is distinctly different from a Eurocentric definition of knowledge (Battiste, 2005) (Kovach M., 2009) (McGregor, 2000) (Smith, 1999) (Wilson S., 2008). Indigenous knowledge is specific to its culture, society, community and to the individual knowledge holder. It is gathered and collected by means of daily experience. It is very often oral and symbolically conveyed through the construct of an Indigenous language (Battiste, 2002). Indigenous knowledge can be gained through experience or teaching but similarly it may also be obtained by means of intuition and spirituality (Wilson, 2009). Knowledge can be passed from one generation to the next by means of storytelling, modelling, or practice; and it may or may not be recorded in a book (Battiste, 2002). 3.6 ETHICS, PROTCOLS, RECIPROCITY, AND BUILDING RELATIONSHIP As a result of the many appalling research projects involving Indigenous peoples through history, protocols were finally developed in universities and academic institutions around the world (Kovach M., 2009) (Smith, 1999). Research ethics boards are one element of those 86 Indigenous research protocols. Their function is to reinforce ethical groundwork and ensure the ethical awareness of research inquiries involving Indigenous communities or peoples. Indigenous research protocols were commissioned by scholars and academic institutions to prompt researchers to contemplate and explain how Indigenous communities would participate in their research; how Indigenous peoples would benefit from their research undertaking; how research findings could be perceived from an Indigenous perspective; and finally, how the Indigenous participants would provide consent (Kovach M., 2009). Although academic institutions may be well intentioned, there are many who rightfully question whether they have the knowledge or the right to determine protocols for Indigenous communities and peoples and whether they project a false sense of security in regard to culturally respectful research (Schnarch, 2004). “The existing research ethics guidelines and the research ethics boards (REBs) that apply them can provide a (sometimes false) sense of security. Unfortunately, the guidelines and REBs are not necessarily able to adequately address First Nations, Inuit or Métis research issues and generally do not have Aboriginal participation or mandates. While self-regulation is entirely understandable and well intentioned, it can have the ironic impact of precluding direct First Nations’ regulation of research” (Schnarch, 2004, p. 84). Kovach (2009) suggests good examples of additional Indigenous research protocols follow the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples Ethical Guidelines for Research (Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (RCAP), 1996), and Chapter 9: Research Involving the First 87 Nation, Metis and Inuit Peoples of Canada from the Tri-Council Policy Statement (Government of Canada, 2018). Although the use of Indigenous research protocols is essential, research methodologies can be further enhanced and much more respectful when they are followed with community research protocols (Kovach, 2009). An example is Ontario’s Six Nations and their community ethics board. Appointed members of the community assess the ethical implications and the reciprocity of potential research projects. They make informed decisions on whether research can take place within their traditional lands and within their communities. By instituting community research protocols, Indigenous communities can ensure that their needs are be met before research projects are allowed to proceed. Hayward, Sjoblom Sinclair and Cidro (2021) recently analyzed twenty community ethics committees across Canada. They found the use of Indigenous community ethical principles positively contributed to research outcomes for communities and three themes were identified • A balancing of individual as well as collective rights of the community • A continuation of culturally grounded ethical principles, and • Ensures community driven and community-controlled research. Community research ethics boards differ from those of academic institutions in that they look directly at how the research could potentially benefit or harm their home communities, family, and friends (Schnarch, 2004). Community based ethics committees can use their own protocols or those based on ownership, control, access, and possession (OCAP) 88 (Kovach M., 2009) (Schnarch, 2004). Originally devised by the Steering Committee of the First Nations Regional Longitudinal Health Survey, the four OCAP principles were created for Indigenous communities as both an expression of self-determination and method of protection from unethical research. The protocols can be used by communities to assert control over the type and quality of research entering their communities, decrease the level of researcher bias in results, ensure meaningful and beneficial research for the community now and in the future, and finally build upon their own community empowerment. The ownership principle asserts that all Indigenous communities own their own cultural knowledge and/or data and information collectively, and therefore, the consent of the community is necessary before any knowledge can be used (Kovach M., 2009) (Schnarch, 2004). The control principle emphasizes that Indigenous people have the right to control the aspects of research on themselves. This includes the development of frameworks, data management as well as dissemination of the research. The principle of access stresses that First Nations should have the ability to retrieve and analyze any data that pertains to their community, as well as how the data is stored and who may have access to it. The last principle, the principle of possession, affirms that possession of data for the purpose of research does not assert ownership of knowledge. Researchers need to act in culturally responsible ways while doing research with Indigenous communities and peoples (Kovach M., 2009) (Schnarch, 2004) (Smith, 1999) (Wilson S., 2008). Confidentiality, reciprocity, relationality, relevancy, and trust are all essential components to ethical research but are also vital components within the Seven Grandfather Teachings and Indigenous worldview (Kovach M., 2009) (Wilson S., 2008). Unless a researcher 89 has express permission to use direct information in their writing it must remain confidential. Data must be stored in a safe and secure manner, accessed only by the researchers, and stored where it cannot be accessed by the internet. Relational research is about giving back to the people who have taken time to supply the research project with information; but it also about realizing that we are all related and inter-connected and we need to act respectfully (Kovach, 2009). Relevancy is also significant as the information that a researcher gives back to a community, or its people should be information that the community wants or needs. The information should also be given back in a way that is both accessible and useable to the community. Trust is crucial to ethical research with Indigenous communities (Kovach, 2009). Researchers must follow through on all their commitments to communities. Reciprocity, trust, confidentiality, relationality, and relevancy are all very important terms in Indigenous worldview and a researcher’s behaviour must reflect these attributes. “Trust needs to be earned internally. Trusting relationships are engendered in a variety of ways: following protocol, showing guardianship over sacred knowledge, standing by cultural validity of knowledge, and giving back (Kovach M., 2009, p. 147)”. Lastly, although it may not be recognised in academic frameworks, there are unwritten cultural protocols that researchers are responsible to learn about and to ensure that they are performed with upmost respect (Kovach, 2009). A relevant example is the offering of tobacco in exchange for knowledge; offering tobacco is recognized as a sign of respect, kindness, and reciprocity for many First Nation cultures. Cultural protocol is the responsibility of the researcher. 90 “The sacredness of Indigenous research is bound in ceremony, spirit, land, place, nature, relationships, language, dreams, humour, purpose and stories in an inexplicable, holistic, non-fragmented way, and it is this sacredness that defies the conventional” (Kovach M., 2009, p. 82). 3.7 ANALYSIS OF RESEARCH METHODOLOGY Based on methodological research the investigator chose to use inductive constructivist grounded theory underpinned with Indigenous methodologies that are accepted by Indigenous scholars for her study entitled “Indigenous Knowledge Centres and the Transmission of Knowledge” (Bainbridge, Whiteside, & McCalman, 2012) (Gray D. E., 2009) (Kovach M., 2009) (Hart, 2010) (Mills, Van de Bunt, & de Bruijn, 2006) (Sieber & Tolich, 2012) (Smith, 1999) (Wilson S. , 2008). Every effort was made to obtain data in a culturally appropriate way that is respectful of Indigenous culture, without prior judgement by the author on views or data and based directly on the Indigenous persons own words and experiences (Bainbridge, Whiteside, & McCalman, 2012) (Kovach M., 2009). For the purposes of this research query, data was collected from informed participants by means of a personal interview using general questions on Indigenous Knowledge Centres and their operation (Bainbridge, Whiteside, & McCalman, 2012) (Gray & Densten, 2005) (Kovach M., 2009) (Mills, Van de Bunt, & de Bruijn, 2006). Questions were designed to be open and non-leading to direct the interview to general areas of interest while not leading the participant in their thoughts and ideas. 91 Four Indigenous Knowledge Centres were chosen for the research project: three centres in Canada and one centre in Australia. The researcher visited the main IKC office in Cairns, Queensland, Australia and interviewed their IKC Director. The participant in Australia was directly involved in setting up 24 IKCs in Queensland. In Canada, three IKC’s were visited, Hay River, Northwest Territories; Brantford, Ontario and Thunder Bay, Ontario. There were four directors/managers interviewed in Hay River at the Yamózha-Kúé Society; one director/language specialist interviewed at the Woodland Cultural Centre in Brantford; and one director interviewed at the Blue-Sky Community Healing Centre in Thunder Bay. A total of seven participants were interviewed to obtain the research data. There are several reasons the research undertaking chose to look at Indigenous Knowledge Centres in Canada and Australia. First, Indigenous Knowledge Centres were chosen in Canada and Australia because of their similar political and colonial backgrounds as well as the similarity in current governmental relations with Indigenous populations within their respective countries. Australia was also chosen, in contrast to Canada, because the state of Queensland has one of the most well-known government funded IKC models in the world. Australia is one of the world’s front runners both in terms of developing Indigenous Knowledge centres, in looking at the successes and challenges of IKC’s, and is also one of the few places with IKC research occurring. Finally, funding restrictions allowed for only one international country to be studied. The researcher interviewed the director Indigenous Knowledge Centres for the Queensland State Library (QSL) in Cairns, North Queensland. The director was interviewed regarding the set up and success of twenty-four IKCs in remote and regional communities across Queensland, across Cape York, the Northern Peninsula, Islands of the Torres Strait, 92 Central Queensland and at Cherbourg in Southeast Queensland. The interview was a short semi-structured interview focused on the benefits, uses and wise practices of the cultural centres. All interview questions and research methods were sent to the director of IKC’s ahead of time for prior approval. The researcher received permission to visit and interview the directors of three Indigenous knowledge centres in Canada including the Yamózha-Kúé Society in Hay River, Northwest territories; the Blue-Sky Community Healing Centre in Thunder Bay, Ontario; and the Woodland Cultural Centre in Brantford, Ontario. The researcher visited all three IKCs, took photographs where permitted, and then interviewed the directors of the IKCs for approximately an hour at each centre. The interview was a short semi-structured interview focused on the benefits, uses and wise practices of the cultural centres. All interview questions and research methods were sent to each IKC directors ahead of time for their prior approval. The researcher had prior research relationships with two Anishinaabe communities in Northwestern Ontario; Wabaseemoong Independent Nations and Whitesand First Nation. Both communities mentioned an interest in learning more about Indigenous Knowledge Centres. Wabaseemoong and Whitesand sent letters confirming their approval of the research project to the researchers’ supervisors and the Lakehead University Research Ethics Board (please see Appendix B). The researcher offered to present her research findings to interested community members on Indigenous Knowledge Centres in Australia and in Canada, in both communities and supplied each community with a copy of the research thesis upon completion. 93 Following the completion of research the researcher returned to Woodland Cultural Centre in Brantford, Ontario, and Blue-Sky Community Healing Centre in Thunder Bay with follow up presentations of the study results and ensured that each community was given a copy(ies) of the research thesis for their own use. The researcher sent copies of the research thesis to the Yamózha-Kúé/Dene Cultural Institute in Hay River, Northwest Territories for their own use. Virtual presentations were offered due to funding restrictions. 3.8 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY The researcher initially began by examining the definition of an Indigenous Knowledge Centre; when they were established; why they have been created in Canada and in Australia; and who was involved in the establishment of Indigenous Knowledge Centres. To determine the characteristics associated with successful IKC’s, protection of Indigenous knowledge and the transmission of knowledge, from the researcher examined academic articles related to the respective topics. Kreps, 2007, writes about the perceived successful characteristics of successful Indigenous Knowledge Centres. Thompson and Colless (2008), discuss the challenges of developing IKC’s in Queensland by State Library employees. A third article, Australian Indigenous Knowledge and Libraries (Nakata & Langton, 2005), looks at the challenges of Indigenous knowledge in terms of libraries and centres in Australia. The researcher used these articles to develop a list of characteristics for use in determining the success of an Indigenous Knowledge Centre, as follows: • active for a considerable length of time, 94 ● a diversity of cultural activities provided by and within the centre, ● Indigenous peoples as the guardians, caretakers and advocates for their own cultures and their own cultural heritages, ● integrated into the community’s cultural existence, ● nurtured and protected the Indigenous Knowledge (IK) of the community, ● connections built with the schools and youth of the community, and ● contributed to the socio-economic development of its community. The characteristics deemed to portray successful IKCs were then used to further develop the general interview questions for the semi-structured interviews with IKC directors. The four main research questions were: • What is the logistics of the IKC? ● What are the benefits of IKCs in the transmission and protection of Indigenous knowledge? ● Are there benefits to a community using a pre-existing IKC model? ● What are the wise practices of successful IKCs both in Australia and Canada? Next, following the development of interview questions it was necessary to visit a variety of IKCs, and then, gather and collect information from the directors of the IKCs both in Canada and Australia. Four established centres were chosen based on type of IKC, benefits and services the IKC offered its respective community, and the ability for the researcher to travel to the centre. It was deemed important by the researcher to look at a variety of IKCs to 95 demonstrate the differences in operation, methods of knowledge transmission as well as the budget size. Travel to each centre, a brief site analysis, followed by subsequent semi-structured research interviews, commenced following the approval of the directors at all four IKC’s (as well as the approvals of the Lakehead University Research Ethics Board and Six Nations Research Ethics Council). Site analyses of the IKCs include a brief examination of the physical building, size, location, layout, natural settings and features, access, and other sensory observations. Site analysis was for comparison purposes only. Interviews with the IKC directors focused on set up of the IKC, mandate of the centre, protection of knowledge, transmission of knowledge, programing, activities, and events, as well as wise practices and advice (please see Appendix C - for Indigenous Knowledge Centre Director Interview Questions). Expectations of Research Participants: Research participants were asked to spend between one and two hours with the researcher, Lisa Harris, in their IKC to ● make the researcher aware of any important cultural protocols, behaviours, expectations, and taboos, ● explain the general workings of the facility, ● answer general questions about the use and benefits of the centre in a short semi structured interview, 96 ● And, if permission was granted to do so, clarify to the researcher what areas of the facility may and may not be digitally photographed, or video recorded, for the purposes of the thesis and research presentations. IKC participants were also asked to verify observations, digital images or collected data during the final stages of the thesis. The researcher contacted them via email or telephone if verification was required. (Please see Appendix D1 - Indigenous Knowledge Centre Director - Informed Participant Consent Form). Analysis of the Data: Data obtained from personal interviews during this study was analyzed using the software program NVivo10. Transcripts of the interviews were analyzed using a structured coding system which compared occurrences and similarities within the data, allowing the researcher to draw theories and relationships from within the findings. Harm or Potential Risk to Participants: IKC participants in this research study were exposed to minimal risk. Apart from the inconvenience of participation in the study, and the possibility of cultural indiscretion on the part of the researcher, the extent of possible risk required by participation in the research was deemed no greater than that encountered by participants in those aspects of their everyday life that relate to the research. 97 Informed Consent for Research Participants: In order to make certain that all IKC directors were adequately and fully informed of the participant process for this research they received the informed participant consent form well ahead of the research date. This allowed for ample time to read and reflect upon all that was expected of them as participants, their rights, and options as participants, as well as the potential risks and benefits associated with the research (see Appendix D1 – Indigenous Knowledge Centre Director Informed Participant Consent Form). As an extra precaution, the researcher carefully went over the informed consent form with each participant before the research interview began and before the form was signed. Anonymity, Confidentiality and Storage of Data: The research information gathered was used in the researchers’ thesis and research presentations. The research findings will be kept confidential and only the researcher, Lisa Harris, and her supervisor, Dr. Robert Robson, will have access to such information. Every reasonable effort was made to assure the anonymity and confidentiality of all participants and they were not identified in any reports or publications without their explicit permission. Only participants that agree to be identified within the thesis and presentations were identified. To ensure that the research data is kept secure it will be stored in a secure location at Lakehead University, in Thunder Bay, Ontario during the research project and then for a minimum of seven years following the completion of the study. All electronic data will be password protected and information will not be stored online. When deemed appropriate the data will be destroyed in a way that ensures privacy and confidentiality. 98 All participants in the research study will receive a copy of the report of the research findings for the use of their knowledge centre. The researcher may use the data from this research study in future research, however, if she does it will be approved by a Research Ethics Board. The collected data will be reported in a summarized form. Permission will be requested from the participant for direct quotations and the use of any information which may allow for identification of a participant in the thesis and/or research presentations. Peer Review of Research Proposal: The research methodology was reviewed by the researchers’ thesis committee, the Directors of each IKC, the Research Ethics Board for Lakehead University as well as the Six Nations Research Ethics Committee. The researchers’ thesis committee included supervisor, Dr. Robert Robson, and committee members Dr. Robert Stewart and Dr. Todd Randall all of Lakehead University. Dissemination of the Research Results: Copies of this research study were provided to all the participant Indigenous Knowledge Centres, and the First Nation communities of Whitesand and Wabaseemoong Independent Nations in Northwestern Ontario. The results highlighted the wise practices of participating IKC’s. In addition, the results of this study were disseminated to the academic community during my thesis defence at Lakehead University in 2022 through a personal presentation, as 99 well as to the Blue-Sky Community Healing Centre and the Woodland Cultural Centre (the other two IKC’s were deemed too distant to return to for a personal presentation). 3.9 INTRODUCTION TO PARTICIPANTS IKCs Research participants were asked to be a part of this research project by the researcher for a variety of reasons. All the participating Indigenous Knowledge Centres were deemed successful IKCs because they have been established for several years, appear to be growing and are having success within their own communities. The participant IKC locations were also chosen by the researcher because they offer a diverse sampling of cultural centres. Differing greatly in how they chose to operate, how they serve their own Indigenous communities, their financial budgets, types of cultural programming, volumes of cultural programs, the array of facilities in use, as well as the collection, protection, and use of Indigenous knowledge. While considering the land upon which the IKCs sit, it is essential to again speak of the profound importance of the land to Indigenous communities. At their heart, Indigenous ways of knowing and being are one with the land (Cajete, 2000) (Greenwood & de Leeuw, 2007) (Johnston B. , 2001) (Simpson L. B., 2014). The importance of land to Indigenous worldview and Indigenous peoples cannot be overstated. Every entity: water, rocks, trees, plants, animals, bird, insects, and even landforms themselves have a spirit and every part of Indigenous language, culture, spirituality, and worldview have evolved from that space and relationship with those spirits. The geographical description of each land area also speaks to the specialized Indigenous knowledge developed over millennia by IKC communities. “Native cultures are the earth, air, fire, water, and spirit of the place from which they evolved” (Cayette, 2000, p. 306). 100 State Library of Queensland and Their 24 Indigenous Knowledge Centres The State Library of Queensland’s IKC program was asked to be a research participant because of their unique long-term government funded library/IKC model. This IKC model is well documented, and it allows communities to own and operate their own IKC whilst providing library facilities to the community. Queensland’s model is different from any IKC currently operating within Canada. The Library’s Indigenous Knowledge Centres serve a dual purpose as a Queensland public information hub and as a library (State Library of Queensland, n.d.). The twenty-four centres are owned and operated by twelve Indigenous Shire Councils, with assistance provided by the Library Board of Queensland. Figure 2: State Library of Queensland IKC Office - Study Participant. Cairns, Queensland, Australia Indigenous community councils are responsible for the physical infrastructure, staffing, and day to day operations of their IKC, while the State Library of Queensland contributes financial support to assist with operational costs including staffing, library collections and professional development. The State Library also collaborates closely with Indigenous councils 101 to provide guidance and assistance on programming, activities and events that could be delivered through IKCs, to sustain ongoing knowledge transfer. The Queensland IKCs in each community work to document and record their local histories, cultural stories, and language as part of their own local collections (State Library of Queensland, n.d.). Each centre manages a variety of programs and activities which support the documentation, maintenance, and preservation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander languages, including recording language, conducting language workshops or cultural programs. Other services and programs can also include loan of items, public access to information technology, family history research and the preservation of materials. Queensland is located on the northeast corner of the Australian continent. Their state library system has one of the best-known systems of support and funding for Indigenous Knowledge Centres in the world. As part of national legislative requirements in Australia, as well as Reconciliation Australia and the Reconciliation Action Plan (RAP), national, state and territory libraries are required to collect the documentary heritage of the country and to provide services that will allow access to the collections (National and State Libraries Australasia, n.d.) (State Library of Queensland, n.d.). The reconciliation action plan, in association with national and state libraries, aids Indigenous communities and peoples in collecting, re-storing and preserving their culture and languages. The State Library of Queensland (SLQ) has a network of twenty-four Indigenous knowledge centres in remote and regional communities on both the mainland and on the Islands of the Torres Strait (State Library of Queensland, n.d.). 102 The mission statement for SLQ’s Reconciliation Action Plan is to “creatively engage people with information, knowledge and community” (State Library of Queensland, 2013, p. 3) with the core values of knowledge, growth and innovation, integrity, and accountability and finally community. The State of Queensland, through the SLQ, provides matched funding for the establishment of IKCs in remote communities as well as ongoing financial support and training for those already established (State Library of Queensland, 2013). All IKCs are owned, managed, and operated by their own local Aboriginal council or the Torres Strait Island Regional Council. In addition to partial financial support the State Library provides IKC staff with training opportunities, and program facilitation, to support the exchange of knowledge. All State Library of Queensland’s IKCs are equipped with traditional library services including a selection of books and magazines, literacy and learning programming as well as computers, digital video equipment and internet service (State Library of Queensland, n.d.). These services allow community members to access information and use the amenities; and Figure 3: State Library of Queensland IKC Logo (State Library of Queensland. n.d. https://www.slq.qld.gov.au/aboout- us/partnerships-collaboration/local-government-and-public- libraries/indigenous-knowledge_ 103 allow for the use of facilities and equipment to collect community knowledge and celebrate their culture. Programs supported by the SLQ and its IKCs include the Queensland Indigenous Languages project; Keeping Cultures Strong project (training to develop community collections and archives); Away with Words project; Children’s Picture Diaries project; the I Can Sing/I Can Read project; Culture Love and the Taking IT On program (adult computer skills training) (State Library of Queensland, 2013). Aboriginal Australians of Queensland and Geographical Description of the Region: Recent research has shown Aboriginal Australians to be one of the oldest civilizations on the Earth (Horton, 2012). Although there are many differences between Indigenous continental nations of Australia there is also a great deal of cultural similarities between nations (Australian Museum - Heritage, 2021). During the 40,000+ years Indigenous peoples have lived in Australia enormous climatic and geographical changes have taken place upon the continent (Horton, 2012). Sea levels fluctuated often coinciding with global warming and cooling periods. At the lowest point in sea levels Tasmania through to New Guinea would have been one large land mass. Approximately 30,000 years ago Australia was covered by tropical forests; freshwater lakes; mountains; and giant animal species. Jumping ahead to 15,000 BP, the Australian continent was a very harsh desert landscape with sand dunes, few plants and extremely limited water supply. It wasn’t until approximately 10,000 years ago that the climate and geography transformed to their current conditions. Queensland has five distinct ecoregions; Tropical and Subtropical Moist 104 Broadleaf Forest; Tropical and Subtropical Grasslands and Shrubland; Temperate Broadleaf and Mixed Forest; Temperate Grasslands, Savannas and Shrubland; and Deserts and Xeric Shrubland (Australian Government, n.d.). Figure 4: Tropical & Subtropical Grassland: Savanna and Shrubland with Dingos’ & Termite Mounds - Northern Queensland/Southern Cape York Penninsula (Photo: Lisa Harris, 2012) Cultural Description of Indigenous Australians in Queensland and Geographical Description of the Region: Aboriginal Australians are well known for their artwork, their music, and their creation stories that describe how the landscape came to be during the ‘Dreaming’ (Australian Museum - Heritage, 2021) (Broome, 1994). Cultures, languages, traditions, and spirituality vary amongst the Indigenous peoples of Queensland; variations that came from the peoples but also from the landscape. Depending upon the location of their traditional lands they may have subsisted as traditional hunters and gatherers; conversely, they may also have survived using a combination of hunting and gathering techniques with sea faring skills. Tools and cultural artifacts would also have varied according to resources available. Extended family groups were fundamental to the community in terms of their social structure, kinship roles, responsibilities, and the education of children (Australian Museum - Heritage, 2021) (Broome, 1994). Men and women worked together in partnership; each had important roles to play with the family and within the community. Customary family terms (i.e., 105 mother, father, brother, sister, uncle, and aunt) were offered to all within the group, regardless of exact relationship, as a symbol of respect and in understanding that all were family members. No one in the community survived alone; they relied upon one another to get through tough times. For most of the year smaller family groups would have moved about to take advantage of food resources and harvesting seasons upon their lands. Seasonally, when resources were in abundance, very large Gatherings could take place, typically as an annual event. Hundreds or perhaps thousands of people would gather in one location for weeks as part of a seasonal or annual social gathering. The mass gatherings served to arrange marriages between groups, enable trade and communication between families, provide opportunities to learn from one another’s experiences, and a chance to catch up socially with one another. Unique to the Aboriginal peoples of Australia, the ‘Dreaming’ is a very complex notion that includes elements of knowledge, faith, language, and historical practices, but also explains the importance of social norms, the importance of ceremony and sacred lands. It regulates the physical and the spiritual traits of Indigenous life, and it explains the creation of the landscape and the people within it (Australian Museum - Heritage, 2021) (Broome, 1994) (Davis, 2009). Dreamtime is much like a creation story describing how the land, the people and the animals were created by the Ancestor spirits. The Dreaming occurred when Ancestral spirits moved across the land creating the rivers, the lakes, and the mountains as they went. All living species, both floral and faunal, were created by these life forces and they are all intimately connected to one another for this reason. A Dreaming Track is a metaphysical path that joins subsequent sites that were once created by an individual Ancestor Spirit as it moved across the landscape (Australian Museum - 106 Heritage, 2021) (Broome, 1994) (Davis, 2009). Indigenous peoples have traditionally walked their lands along the Dreaming Track to ensure they continue to know the places that have been created by their Ancestors as well as their Ancestors places of rest. These are places of great significance because they were created by the Ancestor spirits but also because they are the sacred dwelling places where Ancestors reside. So strong was the Australian Aboriginal connection to their homelands that apparently feuds over territories did not happen. A neighbouring nations’ land was spiritually meaningless. Only their own had powerful spiritual significance. “…As the Aborigines moved across their landscape, they saw a richly symbolic and religious world. These were not simply rocks, trees, and waterholes, but places which the great ancestors had created and where they still lived. The ancestors were the rocks, trees, and waterholes, into which they had formed themselves after the creative period” (Broome, 1994, p. 11). Aboriginal Peoples of the Torres Strait Islands, Australia, and Geographical Description of the Region: The Torres Strait Islands in the far north of Queensland are found between the northeast tip of Cape York and then extend northward to the southern coast of Papua New Guinea (Lawrence & Reeves Lawrence, 2004). There are more than 100 islands, coral reefs, islets, and cays within the strait. There are two distinct language groups amongst the Islander peoples: Meriam Mer and Kala Lagaw Ya. Meriam Mer is derived from the Papuan language family and is spoken among the eastern islands. Kala Lagaw Ya is a part of the mainland 107 Australian language family of Pama-Nyungan, and it is spoken among the western, northern, and central island peoples. Also spoken amongst Island peoples within the strait is Torres Strait Kriol, a combination of pidgin languages brought to the region by Pacific Islanders from the 1850’s onward. The islands of the Torres Strait are typically divided geographically into four main groups; an eastern group comprised mostly of high islands with volcanic and granite outcroppings; a central group of islands that are typically low lying and sandy; a western group of high islands comprised of volcanic and granite rocky outcrops and finally, a northern group of low islands containing mangroves, muds, and peats (Lawrence & Reeves Lawrence, 2004). As of 2004 there were seventeen inhabited islands in the Torres Strait as well as two communities on the mainland northern tip of Cape York. Figure 5: Tropical & Subtropical Moist Broadleaf Forest: Daintree Rainforest and Stream (Photo: Lisa Harris, 2012) Cultural Description of the Islanders of the Torres Strait and Geographical Description of the Region: In 1770 the Torres Strait Islanders were hunter gatherers and sea farers with a very intimate connection to the sea and to the stars (Australian Museum - Heritage, 2021) 108 (Lawrence & Reeves Lawrence, 2004). Cultures, languages, and histories varied from one island to another, however there were many important similarities between them as well. All Torres Strait Islanders had egalitarian communities which made decisions by community consensus. There were complex divisions of labour that allowed for specialization within communities; family ties were powerful; and connection to the land and the sea were profound. The Eastern Islands were divided into clan regions and had permanent village sites (Lawrence and Lawrence, 2004). Subsistence was pursued through agricultural means in the fertile soils; to supplement hunting, gathering, and fishing. Central Islands were often only semi-permanently inhabited as subsistence could only be based on the use of marine resources. Trade with other islands was likely very common. Western Islands used hunting and gathering methods primarily for subsistence; fishing and marine use was secondary. Some islands were used only for semi-permanent residence. The Northern Island residents had horticultural subsistence to supplement their foraging and fishing. Amongst all the Island Peoples the sea and its resources played a very important role (Lawrence and Lawrence, 2004). It was imperative to survival but also used for social and ceremonial purposes. Islanders developed complex technology to take advantage of the sea’s resources including large outrigger canoes, 15 to 20 metres in length that could safely navigate the seas for long periods of time and could accommodate a sizable catch: including dugongs and sea turtles. The traditional culture and belief systems, of the Torres Strait Islander peoples, are closely connected to the stars in the night sky (Australian Museum - Heritage, 2021) (Hamacher, 109 2018) (Lawrence & Reeves Lawrence, 2004). The importance of the stars is described in the Tagai, spiritual stories that emphasize the stars, but also creation and teaching stories, harvesting knowledge, songs, dances and ceremonies, and imperative knowledge for the navigation of the sea. Tagai was a great fisherman in the traditional stories of the Torres Strait Islanders (Australian Museum - Heritage, 2021) (Hamacher, 2018) (Lawrence & Reeves Lawrence, 2004). He can be found in constellations of the southern skies. He stands in his canoe in the Milky Way; his left hand and his spear make up the Southern Cross constellation. Tagai relays knowledge to Islanders from his position in the sky; when the stars of his left hand meet the sea to the north Islanders know the wet season is about to begin. In the 1860’s Torres Strait Islanders were overwhelmed by foreign pearl hunters (Lawrence and Lawrence, 2004). Cheap labour was brought in from elsewhere to the islands to harvest pearls from the sea and conflicts very quickly developed. Indigenous women were purchased and/or stolen by pearlers; men and children were killed, and lawlessness and abuse was abundant on the islands. The State of Queensland, directly adjacent to the Torres Strait, had an interest in gaining control of the region and putting a stop to the rampant lawlessness. In 1879 the Queensland Coast Islands Act was passed giving Queensland control over the northern and eastern islands within the Strait. 110 Yamózha-Kúé Society – Hay River, The Yamózha-Kúé Society (formerly the Dene Cultural Institute), formed in 1987 and is located just outside Hay River, on the K’atl’odeeche First Nation Reserve, Northwest Territories (Yamózha-Kúé Society, 2021). Figure 6: Yamózha Kúé Society - Study Participant. Hay River, Northwest Perhaps one of the most well Territories, Canada known and well-respected Indigenous knowledge centres in Canada; Yamózha-Kúé has been recording and protecting Indigenous knowledge and culture in Canadas north for many years and was instrumental in inspiring this research undertaking and the question of what the best methods are to capture Indigenous knowledge. Martha Johnson’s book, Lore: Capturing traditional environmental knowledge (1992), takes an in-depth look at the critical importance of capturing and protecting traditional knowledge; and the lessons Western science should learn to tackle perilous environmental concerns around the globe. The Yamózha-Kúé Society is a non-profit society incorporated under the Territorial Societies Act and its membership is open to all residents of the Northwest Territories who are beneficiaries of the Dene or Metis Aboriginal rights claims (Yamózha-Kúé Society, 2021). Both the Denendeh Elders Council and the Board of Directors have enlisted representation from all five regions within Denendeh (Akaitcho, Dehcho, Gwich'in, Sahtú and Tłįchǫ̨) to ensure that the 111 Institute meets its mandate of promoting and protecting all aspects of the Dene culture. The Society has focused on managing research and educational activities that protect and promote Dene culture, languages, spirituality, heritage, tradition, and customs in large part to aid young Dene peoples with healthy coping strategies in a modern world. The Dene Cultural Institute/Yamózha-Kúé Society main facility is in Hay River, Northwest Territories. The Hay River community is located near the mouth of the Hay River on the shores of the Great Slave Lake. The Yamózha-Kúé Society is a non-profit association that represents five regions of the Dene people throughout the Northwest Territories (Yamózha-Kúé Society/Dene Cultural Institute, n.d.). It was formed in 1987 following a decree from the Dene Lutsel K’e Cultural Conference in 1986. The conference attendees spoke to the need for Dene peoples to develop a cultural organization that would work to strengthen cultural identity in their youth. The newly formed Society began their focus on research and activities that would protect and promote their culture, their languages, spirituality, heritage, traditions, and customs. The Mission statement developed by the Yamózha-Kúé Society is “The Institute will: Serve as a Resource Centre by collecting and preserving elements from the past, and promote the practice of culture, especially among the young, to ensure that the culture thrives and serves future generations, while protecting the culture from harmful influences within modern society” (Yamózha-Kúé Society/Dene Cultural Institute, n.d.) (Yamohza-Kúé Society, 2021). The Yamózha-Kúé Society building, and the attached stone wall embody Dene culture. The structure was inspired by the Dene legend of Yamózha; the stone wall takes its shape from a sacred site at the meeting place of the Deh Cho (Mackenzie River) and Bear Lake Rivers (Yamózha-Kúé 112 Society, n.d.). The stone that was used in the construction of the building comes from Alexander Falls, south of the cultural institute. The five regions of Denedeh (the homeland of the Dene) are culturally represented in the Denendeh Elders Council and the Board of Governors of the Dene Cultural Institute, which includes the Akaitcho, Dehcho, Gwitch’in, Saht’u and Tłįchǫ̨ regions (Yamózha-Kúé Society/Dene Cultural Institute, n.d.). The role of these representatives is to ensure the Institute continues to meet its directive, promoting and protecting all aspects of Dene culture in the Northwest Territories. Cultural activities at the institute include Dene language curriculum development and language materials for school children between pre-school and high school; they hold adult language classes; and they administer similar programming for smaller satellite centres in the other Dene regions of the Northwest Territories (First Nation Confederacy of Cultural Education Centres, 2014). There is also a very significant resource centre located within the Dene Cultural Institute. The Yamózha-Kúé Society was invited as a potential research participant because it has been operating successfully for several years, it is well- Figure 7: Yamózha Kúé Society. Hay River, Northwest Territories, Canada (Photo: known and respected, and the Lisa Harris, 2013) 113 centre has been at the forefront of cultural research in Canada. The Dene Cultural Institute played an important role in developing the processes for cultural knowledge documentation (Johnson, 1992). One time research director of the Dene Cultural Institute, Martha Johnson, wrote ‘Lore’ the definitive book on effective methods for documenting Indigenous environmental knowledge and heritage in 1992. The book is based on a conference/workshop attended by Johnson and other researchers from around the world. They met and worked from tents on the Deh Cho (Mackenzie River) while discussing participatory action and community- based collecting of traditional environmental knowledge as well as the question of the integration of western science and TEK. Yamózha-Kúé is a member of the First Nations Confederacy of Cultural Education Centres (FNCCEC), a Canadian non-profit organization that works to provide a single voice to several cultural education centres across the country. The Dene Nation of the Assembly of First Nations and Geographical Description of the Region: The Dene Nation’s land base is comprised of a large area of the Western Subarctic, including most of the Northwest Territory as well as the northeast corner of the province of British Columbia, and northern Alberta (Yamózha-Kúé Society/Dene Cultural Institute, n.d.) (Morrison & Wilson, 2004). The Dene are a part of the larger family of Indigenous culture and language known as the Athapaskan peoples. The traditional territory of the Dene peoples falls within the intersections of five distinct Ecoregions; the Southern Arctic; Taiga Cordillera; Taiga Plain; Taiga Shield; and the Boreal Plain (Northwest Territories Government, 2012) (Steckley & Cummins, 2008). They experience cold 114 winters and cool short summers. Precipitation levels decrease as you move northward. Only a small portion of the Dene Nation is north of the treeline; the southern region is comprised of mountains, lakes, rivers, and significant boreal forest (Yamózha-Kúé Society/Dene Cultural Institute, n.d.) (Morrison & Wilson, 2004). Cultural Description of the Peoples: In 1992 the Northwest Territories voted to divide their territory so that the Inuit would have control of the east and the Dene the west (Yamózha-Kúé Society/Dene Cultural Institute, n.d.) (Morrison & Wilson, 2004). Nunavut came into existence in April 1999 as the territory of the Inuit peoples (Yamózha-Kúé Society/Dene Cultural Institute, n.d.). The Dene Nation is made up of five main First Nations and includes the Dënesųłın̨é (Chipewyan); the Tłįchǫ̨ (Dog Rib); the T’atsaot’ine (Yellowknife); the Deh Cho (Slavey); the K’ashotine (Hareskin); and finally, the Shihta Got’ine (Mountain) peoples (Yamózha-Kúé Society/Dene Cultural Institute, n.d.) (Steckley & Cummins, 2008). The Dënesųłın̨é (Chipewyan) have the largest territory amongst the Dene Nations (Fumoleau & Dene Nation, 1984) (Steckley & Cummins, 2008). Their main traditional food source was Figure 8: Taiga Shield: Great Slave Lake near Hay River, Northwest Territories, caribou which also helped to Canada. (Photo: Lisa Harris, 2013) 115 provide them with shelter and clothing. Their territory comprised of the area east of Great Slave Lake, north to the Arctic coast and eastward to the shores of Hudson Bay. The T'satsąot'ınę (Yellowknife) peoples, a regional group within the Dënesųłın̨é, have also been referred to as the copper Indians because of their use and trade of copper tools when Europeans first arrived in the area. The Tłįchǫ̨ (Dog Rib) traditionally lived and hunted between the Sahtú (Great Bear) and the Tucho (Great Slave) Lakes (Fumoleau & Dene Nation, 1984) (Steckley & Cummins, 2008). They relied upon caribou for food, shelter and clothing but also fished the lakes and rivers in the area as a large part of their diet. The Deh Cho (South) peoples have always lived along the Deh Cho River (Mackenzie) and southwest of the Tucho (Great Slave Lake) (Fumoleau & Dene Nation, 1984) (Steckley & Cummins, 2008). Their southern location along the boreal forest region allowed them a range of resources for food, shelter, and clothing, including moose, woodland caribou, fish, birds, and small game. The K’ashot’ine (Hareskin) people’s territory is located west and northwest of the Sahtú (Great Bear Lake) (Fumoleau & Dene Nation, 1984). Their main resources were traditionally provided for by caribou, moose, and Arctic hare. They are known for their clothing and blankets made of woven hare skin. The Shihta Got’ine peoples (Mountain Peoples) traditionally lived between the Deh Cho River and the Shih Kadenila or Rocky Mountains (Fumoleau & Dene Nation, 1984). Today they mainly reside in the villages of Radeli (Good Fort Hope) and Tulit’a (Fort Norman). The Shihta 116 Got’ine are known for their songs and dances, great medicinal power and for their use of moose hide on boats to traverse the shallow waters of the mountain rivers. The Sahtú Got’ine (Bear Lake peoples) today reside principally in the Deline (Fort Franklin) and Sahtú (Great Bear Lake) areas (Fumoleau & Dene Nation, 1984). They have traditionally relied upon caribou and fish as their main staples for food, shelter, and clothing. The Dinjic Zhuh (Gwich’in) people have always resided much further north than other Dene communities (Fumoleau & Dene Nation, 1984) (Steckley & Cummins, 2008). Their territory includes the area between the mountains (Richardson Mountains) and the Beaufort Sea/Arctic Ocean. Their language is quite different than other Deline languages with an influence from their Inuit neighbours to the north in the Deh Cho delta region. They’re known for their carefully made snowshoes, decorative artwork, and clothing as well as tattooing. The Dene Nation as a group have differences in language, land, and resources, but share many cultural traditions including spirituality, mythology, legends, family traditions, laws, governance, and economy (Fumoleau & Dene Nation, 1984). Music and games are very similar between nations in the Denendeh. The hand game, traditionally played by the men in the family, is still played by many; drum dances and round dances are still important in community celebrations. The sharing of resources is and always has been essential in Denendeh for survival in a harsh climate. Extended family groups are important in the Dene communities (Fumoleau & Dene Nation, 1984). All family members are involved in the education of their young children. Respect is shown in the addressing of friends and neighbours; brother, uncle, or grandfather for 117 males; and sister, aunt, or grandmother for women regardless of relationship. Children are expected to participate in daily activities including the harvesting of food and food preparation to maintain survival skills. Governance has always been based on consensus in Dene culture (Fumoleau & Dene Nation, 1984). Leaders, usually community Elders, were chosen by their community groups. To ensure input and participation by all members of the community leaders are given the responsibility of holding dialogues and debates to ensure that they are following the aspirations of the people. Blue Sky Community Healing Centre – Thunder Bay, Ontario, Canada Blue Sky Community Healing Centre (formerly the Grey Wolf Teaching Lodge) was established in 2005 as a non-profit organization in Thunder Bay, Ontario (Blue Sky Community Healing Centre, n.d.) (Blue Sky Community Healing Centre, n.d.). The Centre is run by volunteers from community members in the Thunder Bay area and was created to bring people of all ages, races, and religions together so that they might share knowledge, promote understanding, and encourage love, respect, courage, honesty, wisdom, humility, and truth in all (the Seven Figure 9: Blue Sky Healing Centre - Study Participant, Thunder Bay, Grandfather Teachings of the Ontario, Canada 118 Anishinaabe) (Blue Sky Community Healing Centre, n.d.). Blue Sky is an interesting study because, while it observes traditional Anishinaabe cultural practices, it incorporates very contemporary methods in its teachings and its Board of Directors is comprised of both Anishinaabe and non-Indigenous community members. The centre is open to everyone and allows everyone to participate, and even photograph, Anishinaabe teachings gathering and ceremonies. While unconventional, it strives to be inclusive, to heal injured spirits, empower individuals, and bring people from all realms together while making positive social change in the city. The Blue-Sky Community Healing Centre (formerly the Grey Wolf Traditional Teaching Lodge) was established in 2005 in the City of Thunder Bay, in Northwestern Ontario (Blue Sky Community Healing Centre, n.d.). It is run by volunteers from the community. The lodge was created to bring people from all ages, races, and religions together so that they might share knowledge, promote understanding, and encourage love, respect, courage, honesty, wisdom, humility, and truth in all (The Seven Grandfather Teachings of the Ojibway). The Board of Directors is comprised of both Anishinaabe and non-Indigenous community members. They give direction on the activities and events that happen within the Teaching Lodge. The lodge sees its role essentially as an educator, encouraging understanding and respect between Indigenous and non-Indigenous cultures. Initially the lodge operated on a very small budget and without a physical location. Some may question whether the lodge falls into the category of an Indigenous Knowledge Centre because the transmission of knowledge flows to non-Indigenous peoples as well as Indigenous peoples. As a researcher I believe that the lodge can still be used as an example of an IKC because it holds and protects a variety of 119 knowledge, and then facilitates the transmission of that knowledge to community members, albeit Indigenous and non-Indigenous. Meeting places were originally facilitated using community members’ homes. The most significant difference from other IKC’s is that the community members who own the knowledge openly want to share their knowledge with non- Indigenous community members for the betterment of a shared society. The Lodge regularly holds sharing circles; Elder and youth gatherings (where traditional language and culture are taught); and a variety of cultural events and celebrations (Blue Sky Community Healing Centre, n.d.). Sharing circles allow participants to share equally with one another and with the Creator. The emphasis at Blue Sky Community Healing Centre is to bring all peoples together in understanding and acceptance of one another and to foster the traditional teachings of the Anishinaabe peoples. The lodges Elders have identified the seven grandfather teachings as central to their philosophy. Geographical Description of the Region: Blue Sky Community Healing Centre, a research participant in Thunder Bay, serves within the territory of the Northern Anishinaabe, Cree and Metis peoples in Figure 10: Blue Sky Community Healing Centre. Thunder Bay, Ontario, Canada. (Photo Source: Blue Sky Community Healing Centre n.d. https://www.blueskycommunityhealingcentre.ca/about/) Northwestern Ontario. The 120 borders of this territory intersect with the Boreal Shield, Boreal Plains, and the Hudson Plains Eco-regions (Wiken, 2015). The Ojibway and Cree languages and culture are a part of the Algonquian language family (Dickason & McNab, 2009). In the far west of the Anishinaabe and Cree territory the Boreal Plains are characterized by nearly flat to gently rolling hills and have many landforms created by glaciation including moraines, old lakebed, and fluvial deposits (Wiken, 2015). Small lakes and marshlands are common. Climate is influenced by its central continental location. The region receives an average of 500 mm of precipitation annually. Cultural Description of the Peoples: The languages of the First Nations in this region are classed as Algonquian and include Anishinaabe/Ojibwa and Cree as well as a combination of the two known as Oji-Cree (Steckley & Cummins, 2008). Indigenous peoples in this area would have had Figure 11: Boreal Shield: Sleeping Giant Provincial Park. Near Thunder Bay, Ontario, Canada. (Photo: Lisa Harris, 2013) contact with Europeans from at least the 1600’s; beginning with the French, then followed by the English with the subsequent growth of the fur trade from 1670 onwards. 121 For the Anishinaabe and the Cree, as for the Dene, spirituality is nature based; it is centred on a single Creator with several helper spirits called Manitou’s (Johnston, 2001). Starvation was a very real threat throughout the long cold winter months. The fundamental struggle was to survive within these harsh and often extreme climates. For pre-modern societies, with short summers and long cold snowy winters, survival required a very close relationship to the land upon which they lived. Initially Cree peoples centred themselves around James Bay and the southern areas of Hudson Bay (Steckley & Cummins, 2008). After contact with Europeans and the growth of the fur trade they spread westward and northward. Today their territory extends from northern Quebec to northern Alberta, making them one of the largest First Nation groups in Canada with one of the largest territories. Historically the Cree would have lived in small units of 10 to 20 people (family groups) and would have moved around to make the best use of resources in a harsh climate (Steckley & Cummins, 2008). Groups like these would have stayed together from late summer until early the following summer. During the summertime several family groups would gather in a traditionally rich resource area forming a large group of 75 to 150 individuals. These gatherings served as a rich resource location to gather food but served even more so as a social gathering; potential marriage partners could be found, trading opportunities with other groups, and a place for celebrations to take place. The Anishinaabe, or Ojibway peoples, in Canada traditionally lived along the northern shores of Lake Huron and Lake Superior during the 1600’s (Steckley & Cummins, 2008). Today 122 there are three distinct groups of Anishinaabe: Mississauga, Saulteaux and Ojibwa. Mississauga now refers to the mixture of Georgian Bay bands that moved southward in the late 1600’s to settle in southern Ontario. The Saulteaux refers to the bands that moved westward onto the prairies during the fur trade period. The Ojibway are those peoples who are still residing in their traditional lands north of Lake Huron and Lake Superior and westward along the Manitoba border. Everyday survival would have been traditionally very similar between the Anishinaabe and their Cree counterparts; moving family units from late September/October to May or June; with seasonal large gatherings during the summer months of July and August (Steckley & Cummins, 2008). One of the main differences in culture between the two is the importance of totems or clans to the Anishinaabe. There are at least six clans within Ojibway tradition. Each clan or family group had a specific role within the greater community. The crane and loon clans played a chieftain or leadership role; the fish clan mediated disputes; the bear clan protected the community and/or medicinal plants; the marten clan were the warriors of the community; deer clan were the poets or artists; and bird clan members took the role of spiritual leaders 123 Woodland Cultural Centre - Brantford, Ontario, Canada: The Woodland Cultural Centre is located within the City of Brantford, Ontario. Established in 1972 it is one of the oldest and longest running Indigenous knowledge centres in Canada. It was born in response to the Canadian governments controversial “1968 White Paper” which proposed dismantling the Figure 12: Woodland Cultural Centre - Study Participant. Brantford, Ontario, Canada. Indian Act and removing the special relationship between Indigenous people and the Federal government (Woodland Cultural Centre, 2013) (Woodland Cultural Centre, 2021). The centre was founded by the Association of Iroquois and Allied Indians and serves three-member communities; the Six Nations of the Grand River, Mohawks of the Bay of Quinte and the Wahta Mohawks (Key, 2014). The centre is of interest to the research undertaking because of its longevity, its connection to the social- political climate of the country and its use of a former Indian Residential School building. The centre has an interactive museum and gallery, an Indigenous library and language resource centre as well as functioning as an historical residential school learning site (Woodland Cultural Centre, 2013) (Woodland Cultural Centre, 2021). The Woodland Cultural Centre is located in a former residential school known as the Mohawk Institute Residential School (Indian Residential School History and Dialogue Centre, 124 n.d.). The residential school was run by the Anglican Church of Canada; it began housing First Nations children between 1831 and 1834; and continued until its doors finally closed in 1971 after 140 years. Following the closure of the school the building and property were transferred to the Six Nations Band Council (Key, 2014). The band council conducted a feasibility study on how best to use the building and the adjacent property. At the same time the Woodland non- profit organization was formed and looking to give support to a cultural education initiative. It was decided the community would look for funding through a new program at the Federal Ministry of Indian Affairs (for cultural education centres) and would use the former residential school as their new home. The Woodland Cultural Centre was originally mandated to uphold four main supports within the centre; a museum; a resource library; maintenance and Figure 13: Woodland Cultural Centre. Brantford, Ontario, Canada. (Photo, Lisa Harris administration; and finally, 2013) an audio-visual department was added to enable the creation of new cultural materials (Key, 2014). Today there are several different branches of cultural engagement including its museum education program, language department, research, and education as well as annual juried art exhibition (Woodland Cultural Centre, 2013). The centres focus is to preserve and advance the culture, history, and heritage of 125 the Six Nations of the Grand River. They accomplish this with the use of its well-developed museum, their various language programs as well as their research library and a variety of First Nation art events. Geographical Description of the Region: The Six Nations of the Grand River territory lies within the Mixed Woods Plains Eco zone near Lake Ontario (in southern Ontario) in one of the most populated regions of Canada (Wiken, 2015). The languages spoken by Six Nations peoples belong to the Iroquoian family of languages. The Mixed Woods Plains is characteristically flat with gently rolling hills (Wiken, 2015). Precipitation ranges from 720 mm to 1000 mm per annum with warm summers and cool winters. Originally much of the region would have been covered in woodland forest (Canadian Encyclopedia, 2020). Today only 10% is still forested land and it includes eastern white pine, eastern hemlock, yellow birch, red pine, sugar maple, red oak, and basswood (Hinterland Who's Who, n.d.). The area is widely used for agriculture and large urban areas. 126 Cultural Description of the Peoples: The Six Nations of the Grand River have an interesting and complex history as their original territory was in the present-day state of New York, in the United States of America (Groat, 2020) (Six Nations of the Grand River, n.d.). The Iroquois were a group of five independent nations in the early 1700’s; Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga and Seneca. The sixth nation, the Tuscarora, joined them in 1722. Together they were called the League of Peace but are also known as the Iroquois Confederacy or the Haudenosaunee, for their unique and highly developed form of governance. They built a governance system of ‘fathers’ and ‘sons’; some chiefs (referred to as fathers) would sit in council with other fathers on one side of a fire; while the chiefs labelled as sons sat in council with one another on the other side of the fire. Issues that arose were solved using consensus rather than a majority vote. Any concerns would be dealt with first by the Mohawk peoples, then move to the Seneca, the Oneida, and the Cayuga before finally the Onondaga determined their stand based on the consensus of their people. From the late 1600’s through to the late 1700s British and French colonists continually warred with one another over control of the North American colony (Groat, 2020) (Monture, 2014). The Iroquois nations Figure 14: Mixed Woods Forest: Southern Ontario. (Photo Source: Hinterland Who’s Who from https://www.hww.ca/en/wild-spaces/mixed-woods-forest.html) supported British troops 127 during this period and then continued their support to the British throughout the American Revolutionary War. First Nations who supported Britain during this period were referred to as ‘United Empire Loyalists’. Following the American Revolutionary War in 1779, in retaliation for their support of British troops, vengeful Americans laid waste to the lands of the Iroquois in New York ensuring that no one could survive upon them for generations to come. The British acted to relocate many First Nations Loyalists to lands within the Canadian/British colony north of the US border (Groat, 2020) (Monture, 2014). For the Iroquois this was small compensation for the lands they were forced to flee following the revolution. Some groups of Iroquois moved northward into Upper Canada (Quebec) but the largest group came with their leader, Joseph Brant or Thayendanegea, to the Grand River in 1784. There they were promised 950,000 acres of land six miles deep on either side of the Grand River from Lake Erie to the headwaters of the river in the 1784 Haldimand Treaty. Today they have 46,000 acres, about 5% of the land originally promised, near the town of Brantford, named for Joseph Brant. In 1785, shortly after their arrival in Canada, there were 448 Mohawk peoples, 381 Cayuga, 245 Onondaga peoples, 162 Oneida, 129 Tuscarora and 78 Seneca peoples (Groat, 2020) (Monture, 2014). They were gifted with saws, axes, grindstones, and chisels to establish schools and churches in their new community. 128 3.10 INTRODUCTION TO PASSIVE PARTICIPANTS: WABASEEMOONG AND WHITESAND FIRST NATIONS Wabaseemoong Independent Nations: Wabaseemoong Independent Nations consists of three communities: One-Man Lake, Swan Lake and Whitedog (Wabaseemoong Independent Nations, n.d.). The three communities operated separately until the 1950’s, when they amalgamated into the Islington Band of Saulteaux to Figure 15: Wabaseemoong Independent Nations, Ontario, Canada fight Ontario’s hydroelectric development plan and the consequent flooding of their traditional lands. In 1992, the Islington Band changed its name to Wabaseemoong Independent Nations to reflect their traditions. It is an Anishinaabe community located 120 kilometers northwest of Kenora, Ontario. Situated in the boreal forest near the Ontario/Manitoba provincial border it is home to more than 1280 people. The traditional land use area is 6720 square kilometers of beautiful lakes, major rivers, and natural forest. During the 1950s Ontario Hydro (Ontario’s provincial power utility) built a permanent aqueduct at One-Man Lake followed by two dams; one at Whitedog Falls and another at Caribou Falls (the junction of the English River and Winnipeg River) (Wabaseemoong 129 Independent Nations, n.d.). The resulting reservoir flooded the community of One-Man Lake. The community had been told by Ontario Hydro if they moved their homes 50 feet higher than the water level, they would be safe. When the water levels began to rise, they instead rose 90 feet. Community members lost their home; their houses, traditional lands and even their cemetery in late fall of 1957. Many community members spent the brutally cold winter months of 1957/58 surviving in tents. “When people returned, the only thing that remained to be seen was the tops of our roofs. In fact, the water rose 90 feet. It flooded our homes, settlements, traditional lands, and even our graveyards. That our ancestors remain underwater continues to haunt us. The only compensation Wabaseemoong received at that time was eight homes that were built in White Dog to house some of the displaced families, after they had already spent an entire winter living in tents. These replacement homes were of such poor craftsmanship that we called them “cardboard houses”. This was a terrible time. Our way of life had been taken from us. We were not welcome anywhere other than our home, which we had lost. During that time, segregation policies sanctioned by the government were in effect. We were not allowed in Kenora unless we had a ticket. We were not allowed to eat in restaurants until 1965. If an Indigenous 130 person was found drinking, they would receive a $50 fine or a month in jail.” (Wabaseemoong Independent Nations, n.d., Hydro Electric Development) The people of Wabaseemoong, and the nearby community of Grassy Narrows First Nation, have been devastated by mercury poisoning since the 1960’s and 70’s when the regional paper mill in Dryden Ontario (then owned by England’s Reed Paper Company) dumped 9000 kilograms, or 19,842 pounds, of mercury into the English-Wabigoon River system (Wabaseemoong Independent Nations, n.d.) (Shkilnyk, 1985). The marine life in the river systems, upon which local First Nation communities depend, became full of mercury. Mercury stays in the eco-system and bio accumulates within the body through-out the food chain. Today many people still suffer from Minamata disease (mercury poisoning) in all three Wabaseemoong communities. Affected community members suffer a range of affects including birth defects, missing organs, tremors, restricted vision, and difficulty with speech. When you add flooding, the assimilating policies of residential schools, the 60’s scoop, racism, safe drinking water and deforestation concerns to this list of challenges you will understand how the community has demonstrated absolutely incredible resiliency and survived against great odds. 131 Whitesand First Nation: Whitesand First Nation is an Anishinaabe community 246 kilometers northeast of the city of Thunder Bay in Northwestern Ontario. It lies adjacent to the small town of Armstrong, on the northern edge of Lake Nipigon, and within the Boreal Forest ecosystem. The community of 300 Figure 16: Whitesand First Nation, Ontario, Canada was originally located directly on the shores of Lake Nipigon where the Whitesand River flows into the lake (Whitesand First Nation, 2021). Lake Nipigon is a very large freshwater lake and plays an important role in the Great Lakes drainage basin. It is estimated that the basin holds an estimated 21% of the worlds fresh surface water (United States Government, 2021). Early in the 20th century multi levels of government decided more hydro-electric power was necessary for industry in Ontario and the community would need to be relocated. Ontario Hydro began damming nearby water systems for electrical power in 1920 with the Cameron Falls Dam project and then in 1930 with the Alexander Dam project (Nipigon Museum, 2017). Again, in the early 1940’s construction began in the Ogoki Diversion to move more water into the Great Lakes to increase electrical capacity and support the Canadian War effort. Effectively the Ogoki River was forced to flow southward to the Great Lakes Drainage Basin rather then 132 north to Hudson’s Bay. By 1942, the flooding effects of the Ogoki Diversion forced Whitesand community members from their homes as the Lake Nipigon shoreline disappeared. They were moved to a rocky one square mile reserve space several miles inland from the lake (Whitesand First Nation, 2021). Although surrounded by hydro electric dams, it is of note, Ontario Hydro has never connected Whitesand First Nation to the provincial power grid (Whitesand First Nation, 2021). Homes are instead electrified by fuel fed generator systems. Over the past 100 years the Whitesand community has faced mass flooding and heavy forestry operations in the region, along with racism and the devastating effects of residential schools and the 60’s Scoop, they continue to persevere and overcome. 133 CHAPTER FOUR - RESULTS AND DISCUSSION 4.0 INTRODUCTION TO RESULTS AND DISCUSSION The research objectives for this undertaking were to look at examples of successful IKCs in Australia and Canada in order to: i) determine what benefits IKCs can provide in the protection and transmission of Indigenous knowledge; ii) establish a list of wise practices from successful IKCs; iii) look at ways of learning and acquiring knowledge, and iv) share the results with Indigenous communities. To meet these objectives the researcher created a list of relevant questions for IKC participants that would generate accurate and meaningful data for the undertaking. In this chapter the results of the interviews are analyzed and presented. These objectives have been met and the findings presented within this chapter demonstrate and represent the wise practices, methods, concepts, and ideas of the participant IKCs at the time of the interview. Finally, in this chapter there are three main areas of discussion; first, examination of the authors findings in relation to the original research questions asked of the interview participants; secondly, evaluation of the research findings in comparison to other globally related studies; and finally, this chapter highlights new knowledge and understanding which has emerged from the research undertaking. 4.1 DEVELOPMENT OF INTERVIEW QUESTIONS Four main categories were identified as important within the IKC participant interview questions. They include 134 ● logistics of the IKC, ● benefits and use of the IKC, ● protection and security of the IKC’s traditional knowledge, and finally, ● most successful programs at the IKC. Initial questions within the interview of IKCs were designed to give insight into the planning and development stages of a centre, from initial community planning process through to the securing of funds and creation of a formal mandate. The eight questions developed to identify logistic information of participating Indigenous knowledge centres included ● how and why was the IKC created? ● how long has the IKC been in existence? ● how long did the initial planning and building stages take? ● was a government model used to develop the IKC? ● does the IKC have a formal mandate? ● is the IKC open seasonally or all year long? ● was outside funding accessed for the development and operation of the IKC? The second section of interview questions were designed to gain an understanding of the benefits and uses of participating IKCs. The questions probed into how the centre operates on a day-to-day basis and how the IKC best serves its respective community. There were six questions asked of the four participants in this section, including ● how is the centre used by the members of your community? ● what benefits are associated with having an IKC in your community? 135 ● what type of activities and events take place in the IKC? ● are there specific groups that use the IKC more often than others? ● what do you think is the best method you use to pass TK from one generation to the next at your IKC? ● and finally, how important is Indigenous language to your IKC and your community members? The third section of interview questions focused on the protection and security of the communities’ Indigenous knowledge. There were two major queries associated with the protection of IK; what methods are used to protect the knowledge of the community to keep that knowledge from becoming lost; and how does the centre keep knowledge secure once it has been collected. This set of questions was meant to give both an understanding of IK collection and transmission but also what, if any, security methods have been employed. The final section of interview questions was designed to gather information on the IKC’s wise practices and their most successful programs. It was hoped individual participants would share their most promising ideas and methods with other Indigenous knowledge centres. The questions included ● what are the most popular or successful programs at the IKC? ● how does your cultural programming benefit members of the community, and…? ● what are your wise practices? Representatives from the four Indigenous knowledge centres participated in the research interviews. All participants were involved in the programming and management of 136 their respective IKCs. Participating IKCs included the Yamózha-Kúé Society in Hay River, Northwest Territory; Blue-Sky Community Healing Centre in Thunder Bay, Ontario; Woodland Cultural Centre in Brantford, Ontario; and the State Library of Queensland IKCs in Cairns, Queensland, Australia. 4.2 ANALYSIS OF THE DATA Research query data was collected from informed participants by means of a personal interview using general questions on Indigenous knowledge centres and their operations. Interview questions were designed to be open and non-leading to direct the interview to general areas of interest while endeavoring to not lead the participants’ individual thoughts and ideas. Upon completion of interviews, the data was transcribed into an electronic format. The data was analyzed to identify themes in the participants’ answers and finally theme occurrences were compared between participants to identify trends and similarities within the data. (See Appendix F). Care was taken by the researcher, while coding qualitative questions, to ensure that important cultural information and data was not over simplified or lost. Coding of the primary data had to be done carefully on a question-by-question basis. All quantitative questions were omitted from the coding process and were instead recognized by their value. 137 Significance of Coding: In order to identify the most dominant trends from within the research data themes which occurred frequently were identified and analyzed. Themes are defined as general concepts that appear to show a tendency within the logistics, practices, programming, and security of Indigenous knowledge centres. As the number of research participants in the undertaking was small, and the academic literature on IKCs is very limited, possible, probable, and definitive themes were identified using the following classification guidelines. Table 1: Research Classification Guidelines (see Research Findings Table Appendix C to see all the probable and possible themes identified in the research data) Definitive Theme Identified by 4 of 4 participants Validated in current literature Identified by 4 of 4 participants Probable Theme Not validated in current literature Identified by 3 of 4 participants Probable Theme Validated in current literature Identified by 3 of 4 participants Possible Theme Not validated in current literature 4.3 RESEARCH FINDINGS IN RELATION TO THE RESEARCH QUESTIONS There were four main categories identified within the interview questions: logistics of the IKC; benefits and use of the IKC; protection and security of the IKC’s traditional knowledge; and finally, the most successful programs at the IKC. 138 Section One: Logistics of the Indigenous Knowledge Centre The questions relating to logistics of the Indigenous knowledge centre included seven queries designed to give insight into the planning and development stages of an Indigenous knowledge centre from initial planning, seeking funding and development of a formal mandate. Research Question 1.1 How did the IKC get started? The set of questions related to logistics of the Indigenous knowledge centres were designed to give insight into the planning and development stages of such a centre, from the initial planning, the seeking of funding and the development of a formal mandate. The findings of research question 1.1 yields interesting insight into why communities felt they needed to create an IKC. The participant responses state that their communities identified a definitive need to document and protect their cultural knowledge, languages, and traditional teachings. Two of the four participants also noted that their IKC formation was as a direct result of government policy. One participant stated that their centre was created as a direct result of the 1969 White Paper created by the Canadian federal government; the other participant stated that their centres were created out of reconciliation policy created by the Australian federal government in which initiatives that positively influenced educational, social, and economic issues in Aboriginal communities would receive special funding. The participants as a whole felt they needed to ensure the survival of their cultural teachings to future generations of their community. Participant communities felt the need to safeguard both the current and future protection and documentation of their traditional 139 teachings sensing that their culture, language, and traditions were under attack, disappearing, or at the very least being infringed upon. Half of the research respondents stated that their community required a safe keeping place for traditional and ceremonial objects as well as a location for cultural knowledge and teachings. This would suggest that community members didn’t feel they previously had a space considered safe and had concern for their cultural belongings and traditional teachings. Research Question 1.2 How long has the IKC been open? The research participants’ respective centres have been open for 8, 29, 43 and 13 years. Research Question 1.3 How long did the planning and initial building stage take? Planning and building stages for the IKC’s took between one and four years with the average taking 2.25 years. Research Question 1.4 Was a government model used to develop this centre? If yes how did the model benefit the community? Only one of the four research participants used a government model to develop an IKC. Benefits and services associated with a government model included conventional library services, a varied list of training opportunities that were available to community members, early childhood, and adult literacy programming, as well as community computer and internet access. Research Question 1.5 Does the IKC have a specific or formal mandate? If yes, what is it? 140 All of the research participants confirmed their respective centres have formal mandates. All of the mandates stated a full commitment to the communities they serve. Three of four participants’ mandates stated their commitment to have their respective IKC serve as a cultural resource centre for its community; have their IKC work to promote respective teachings and Indigenous languages, preserve past present and future Indigenous knowledge, and ensure the protection and transmission of these within respective communities. The findings of this research question give insight into the real purpose behind having and building an Indigenous knowledge centre. The participants’ answers suggest that Indigenous culture, language, traditions, and teachings are all incredibly important to them, so much so that they warrant a physical centre and formal mandate to keep and protect them. The responses suggest that communities are worried or concerned for the future of their languages, teachings, and their respective knowledges. The findings also suggest that the communities behind the centres are in search of a means to bring their community members together in a unified purpose. Only one respondent of the four had a mandate which gave permission to share Indigenous knowledge and teachings with both Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples. Research Question 1.6 Is the centre open all year long or is it open seasonally? All the participating centres are open all year long suggesting that they offer important and supportive services to the community that are needed consistently and throughout the calendar year. 141 Research Question 1.7 Was the community able to access funding for the development and/or operations of the centre? Fortunately, all the participant IKCs were able to access funding to allow for the development of an IKC and/or for the operations of a cultural centre. Specifically, all IKCs were successful at finding at least a portion of their necessary funding through their respective provincial/territorial/state government funding programs; three of four found additional funding through regional arts councils; two found federal funding; and two accessed funding from other sources and agencies. The findings suggest that there is funding available for the development and maintenance of Indigenous knowledge centres, however, it may involve a great deal of work in searching for funding opportunities as well as experience in writing grant applications. The respondents have been around for several years and have learned where to look for funding opportunities and how to best apply and be successful in securing funds. Section Two: Benefits and Use of the IKC The benefits and use section of the IKC research questions were designed to gather information on how these four very different centres operates daily and how their centres best serve their community members. Research Question 2.1 How is the centre used by members of the community? The results for the way in which centres were used by community members are very interesting and highlight areas of cultural importance for the centres as well as their respective 142 communities. All four research participants developed important and substantial relationships with their community schools and acted as a resource for both students and their teachers. This would strongly suggest the importance placed upon passing cultural education to the youth of a community. Three of four participant IKC’s believe their centres are used as places to ask questions and to seek guidance; as central locations to store language, culture, and traditional knowledge; as well as teachings pertaining to knowledge, culture, and language; the centres are physically used to for communal purposes while also bringing community members together to participate in art shows and performances. All of these uses strongly suggest that IKC’s are successful in bringing community members together in the celebration of their culture. The physical centre serves as a bonus providing much needed communal space. Research Question 2.2 In your opinion what are the benefits associated with your IKC? This was a very important question within the research study for several reasons. A lot of work, dedication, commitment, and funding goes into the development and operation of an IKC; most First Nation communities across Canada have limited funds and resources and they need to know what benefits could come from developing and maintaining an IKC and whether it is worth the hard work, time, and expense. There were three benefits associated with having an IKC which were identified by all four research participants. ● The opportunity to rediscover their own cultural heritage ● Attained a better understanding of their own culture, and perhaps most importantly 143 ● Allowed for a focus on community healing. Three of the four participant IKC’s found that having a cultural centre allowed for a very efficient means of documenting knowledge of Elders; allowed for language immersion programs and community language initiatives; and perhaps more significantly, having an IKC positively influenced how the community looked at themselves. It is incredibly important to recognize the significant benefits that can come from cultural healing; and the role that an Indigenous cultural centre can play in that journey. Community and cultural healing, language revitalization, cultural documentation and a positive self image are especially significant benefits to a community. Research Question 2.3 What types of activities and events occur at the IKC? Are they all organized by the IKC? Three of four research participants listed cultural awareness workshops and programming; Indigenous language programming; and art shows and sales as prominent events occurring at their IKC’s. Half of the participants also listed children’s programming and spiritual ceremonies as prominent events at their centres. It is important to recognize that all of the principal programs listed were centered on cultural revitalization. Research Question 2.4 Are there specific groups within the community that use the centre more often than others? All the participants listed schools and their teachers as the community group using the Indigenous cultural centres more often than other. This was followed closely by youth and 144 young men from the community; then Elders and residential school survivors. These findings would suggest that the centres are being used by groups within the community who either have many questions about their history, their culture and where they fit in the community; or they have much to teach and many answers to give. Research Question 2.5 How do you believe that traditional knowledge is best passed from one generation to the next generation at an IKC? On this question the participants’ answers varied a little bit. Two of four participants believed very firmly in intergenerational learning between community Elders and their youth. This was best accomplished either on the traditional lands of the community or via hands on experience in the centre, where youth were physically involved and learning visually and verbally. One participant felt the use of technology was important in passing cultural information to youth in the community because youth are typically extensive users of modern technology and thus very visual learners. Another participant relayed that it didn’t matter how traditional knowledge was passed from one generation to another as long as it was getting done. It is important to note that although there is some variance in the findings for this question participants all ascertained the vital importance of passing cultural knowledge to the youth of their respective communities. Research Question 2.6 How important is language to the centre? 145 Three of the four participants felt that their Indigenous languages were extraordinarily important to themselves and to their communities. They felt an immense sense of pride in taking back their languages. These same three participants felt there was a very strong connection between ones’ language and ones’ culture. Section Three: Protection and Security of the Indigenous Knowledge The third section of interview questions were designed to gather information on the protection and security methods used to protect the Indigenous knowledge of the participant community IKC’s so that these ideas and methods could be shared with other Indigenous knowledge centres or prospective Indigenous knowledge centres. Research Question 3.1 What methods do you use to protect the knowledge of the community and keep it from being lost? Three of four research participants felt that interviewing Elders and then documenting that traditional knowledge was the best method to protect the IK of their community. The knowledge must be documented carefully, while following cultural protocol, indexed for easy access, and stored in a safe location. Two of four participants also felt that museum software, along with hard copies for community use, worked well and allowed them to easily retrieve information and gave the ability to cross-reference data. In addition, two participants found that having a small cultural resource repository, or community museum, was helpful in protecting the cultural artifacts of the community while also allowing schools and members of the public to learn from the important cultural and sacred items. One participant asserted that developing a dictionary of their Indigenous 146 language accompanied by an audio cd very useful in passing language skills to others in the community. The information collected from this research question should give many Indigenous communities a boost of confidence as many have been working slowly to document and collect the wisdom of their Elders over many years. It is a cost-effective method of documentation; however, it becomes more difficult to retrieve that valuable data if is not in a format that is easily retrievable. Research Question 3.2 How does the centre keep the IK of the community secure? Three of four participants agreed that the protection and custodianship of ones’ Indigenous knowledge is essential but acknowledged that the protection of IK can only be obtained by having the community hold the power and control of that information. Access to cultural knowledge must always be protected according to cultural protocol and community permissions in order to limit access to sacred information. Digitization of the Elders traditional knowledge was acknowledged as being very important. Electronic copies of data allow for it to be transcribed into different Indigenous languages; allow for multiple copies to be easily produced; and, finally, it ensures that the data can be quickly and easily retrieved for use by appropriate members of the community. 147 Section Four: Wise Practices and Most Successful Programming The fourth and final section of the interview questions was designed to gather important information on the wise practices and most successful programming so that it could be shared with other Indigenous knowledge centres. Research Question 4.1 What do you believe are the most popular or successful programs at the centre? How do these programs benefit members of the community? Participants were varied in their responses to their most successful programming. Half of the respondents felt their most successful programs involved children and youth from the community creating, writing, illustrating, and publishing books for their own schools and communities. Equally, respondents identified digital applications that promoted their Indigenous language use to be some of their most successful programming development. One participant strongly stated the process of taking community youth out onto traditional lands for extended periods to learn about culturally and spiritually significant sites, language, stories, legends, and the traditional knowledge of their peoples, was the most successful of all programming. Another asserted that sharing circles and healing lodges yielded the best results for their community members. Research participants were more aligned in their responses in terms of how these programs benefit their community members. All four participants felt the greatest benefit to community members, as a result of programming, was the learning of their traditional stories and traditional knowledge. Three of the participants agreed that cultural programming enabled 148 youth to become more directly involved in their cultural history and community members are learning their Indigenous language as a result of IKC cultural programming. Research Question 4.2 What do you think are your best practices at the centre? Three of four respondents stated that their best practices were embracing language, culture, and identity as well as Indigenous language programming. Other best practices including taking time on traditional lands to teach cultural knowledge; involving Elders from the community in all aspects of the IKC (including governance and consultation); the use of a community resource library; development of a community museum; sharing of knowledge with others; community outreach programs; and finally, the ability of IKC’s to contribute to round table discussions that influence regional government policy. 4.4 TRENDS AND COMPARISON TO LITERATURE AND GLOBAL STUDIES To date there has been little written about Indigenous knowledge centres or cultural centres and how they operate. The most similar academic literature to discuss cultural knowledge centres are papers written by Martin Nakata of Australia, Renya Ramirez, and Melissa Delikat of the United States. Nakata scrutinizes the library model of Indigenous knowledge centres operating in the Northern Territory. The library model of the Northern Territory is very similar to that of Queensland’s’ library modelled Indigenous Knowledge Centres as the latter was initially built upon the first. Nakata, et al. (2007) discuss and identify the strengths and issues challenging the government sponsored library model. The strengths of the program and its representative centres are identified as, 149 ● Providing a dual knowledge system of information for community members (Western contemporary knowledge system in the library services and an Indigenous traditional knowledge system in programming) ● Provides communities with the opportunity to select services that will best fit their needs ● Allows for a high degree of standardization in the delivery of services ● Encourages and facilitates the development of a locally relevant collection of Indigenous knowledge ● Access to both local and external knowledge (Western and Indigenous) provides for progressive literacy development particularly in early childhood The issues and difficulties associated with a library based cultural centre identified by Nakata, et al. (2007) on the other hand are identified as ● Complex issues associated with the intellectual property rights and Indigenous knowledge management as a result of the storage and use of knowledge, language, and culture within the library system ● Current technology and software need to be regularly improved and updated in order to keep up with the scale, access control, and the integration of data by Indigenous communities ● The physical infrastructure crisis in most remote Indigenous communities often inhibits the fulfillment of adequate physical space for Library based Knowledge Centres ● Critical community programs are under funded and inadequate funding programs are focused on short term projects rather than long term programs 150 ● Difficulty in finding and keeping well trained and skilled employees from the communities to develop programs & activities and management of an IKC Ramirez (2007) and Delikat (2017) speak to very different types of IKCs than the participant centres in this research undertaking, however, they can speak to IKCs at a universal level. Ramirez (2007) has identified the strengths of indigenous hubs and cultural centres as ● Spaces that bring Indigenous peoples together to renew a sense of culture ● Provide social and political happenings for Indigenous people ● Bring together Indigenous people who were removed from their traditional paths by assimilation policies and land seizure ● Renew Indigenous spirit when traditional lands and communities are not an option ● Heal emotional and spiritual wounds ● Opportunity for participants to learn organizational skills, declare Indigenous voices and work towards self determination. Delikat (2017) identifies the strengths of IKC’s as centres that validate Indigenous language, culture, and knowledge. They work to ● Provide a dedicated space for Indigenous knowledge, ways of knowing and cultural expression ● Support and give voice to Indigenous peoples and youth ● Provide inter-cultural sharing, teaching, and learning opportunities ● Provide guidance on Indigenizing policy and support for social justice goals. 151 There are other research papers and trends that support the ideas coming out of the research undertaking. Research papers whose results show the importance of culture restoration and reclamation in fighting against the effects of post-colonial trauma; the promising practices associated with learning ones’ Indigenous language; and those linking cultural revival and strength directly to the health and well-being of Indigenous communities are all aligned with the results of this study. The results from participants in this research undertaking align with the works of Chandler and Lalonde (1998), as well as Marks and Lyons (2010), and Duran, Firehammer and Gonzalez (2008) who all discuss the essential role that culture, language and traditional knowledge can play in the healing of colonial trauma affecting Indigenous communities. The importance of cultural revitalization and community healing are evident in the participant findings. Other research also tends to support the findings of this research project. Blue Quills First Nation College (2009) concur that for Indigenous language programming to succeed it must follow four foundation principals. The principals embody many of the elements found in community IKC’s including respect of learning styles; legitimization of the Indigenous voice; embracing of culture and worldview; and the incorporation of generational learning and teaching. ● “Improves the learning of Aboriginal individuals and respects diverse learning styles in a holistic manner based on their spiritual, intellectual, emotional and physical selves 152 ● Legitimizes the voice of all Aboriginal people through place and culture; including the circle of learning and respecting how one generation passes knowledge and culture on to other generations ● Encourages a transformative approach to learning which embraces Indigenous knowledge, experience and knowing while respecting mainstream knowledge and experience, and include both a formal and informal approach for learning program that reach all ages ● Supports learning and community by linking and encouraging the involvement of parents, Elders, and community in order to build a successful learning continuum and healthy resilient communities.” (Blue Quills First Nation College, 2009, p. 4). 4.5 NEW KNOWLEDGE & UNDERSTANDING GAINED FROM THE RESEARCH FINDINGS As there are very few academic research papers looking at the inner workings of IKCs there are several new ideas which have emerged from the results of the undertaking. First, the average planning and building stages of participant cultural centres was found to be 2.25 years. There was significant knowledge, which came forward in the results, to explain why cultural knowledge centres were created initially. It is safe to say that each community participant interviewed identified the definitive need to gather and document traditional teachings because they felt the condition of their language, culture and traditions had deteriorated considerably as a result of colonial policies. There is also some evidence that centres have been created in direct response to adversarial government policy. 153 A government model was used for one of the cultural centre participants. The benefits associated with this library-based government model included library services, literacy programming, early childhood education, community computer and internet access, a home for additional community service partnerships, and a variety of training opportunities available to community members. Additional new information from the research findings shed light on what IKCs deem their most important roles and principals. The data shows that • the revitalization, preservation and protection of Indigenous culture, language, and traditions are essential, but it also highlights that communities are taking these tasks on because they are clearly concerned for the future of their language, teachings, and respective knowledge • IKCs are searching for a way to bring community members together in a unified purpose to combat the damage that’s occurred as a result of colonialism and colonial policies • there is a strong emphasis on passing cultural education on to youth in the community, and, • the reclamation of Indigenous language is of fundamental importance. IKCs are seen as an essential component of their communities They are busy through out the calendar year offering supportive services to community members. Although it appears to be a continuous chore there is funding available for the development and maintenance of an IKC in both Canada and Australia. Provincial, territorial, 154 and state governments, regional arts councils, and federal government funding programs were all frequently accessed by the participants in this research undertaking. It was very interesting to see how the IKCs were being used by the community. All of the respondents had developed substantial and trusting relationships with community schools, teachers, and students in their role as a culture and language resource. They were also seen by the community as places to seek guidance to cultural questions. The centres themselves were often used for community functions including art shows, performances, and ceremonies. The results of the research undertaking highlighted several benefits associated with having an IKC within a community. The positive aspects for individual community members as well as the community were substantial and included ● Opportunity to rediscover cultural heritage ● Opportunity to attain a better understanding of community culture ● IKC allowed for a focus on community healing ● Very efficient means of documenting knowledge of community Elders ● Allowed for language immersion programming and initiatives ● Positively influenced how the community saw themselves. The programming taking place in IKCs is broad and covers cultural awareness workshops, Indigenous language programming, art shows and art sales, children’s cultural programming and spiritual ceremonies. 155 The identifiable groups using the cultural centres more often than others were found to be, in numerical order, schools (students and teachers), as well as youth, young men, Elders, and residential school survivors. In terms of preservation of Indigenous knowledge, language, and culture; all participants agreed that protection of knowledge and custodianship is essential. The findings highlight the importance of documentation and digitization of data to allow for ease of access and language transcription, but they also showed the importance of maintaining the power and control of cultural data through cultural protocol and community permissions. Finally, new data on the most popular or successful programming of Indigenous cultural centres highlighted children/youth book publishing programs, digital language applications, extended and focused cultural programming for youth with Elders on traditional lands, as well as sharing circles and healing lodges. The benefits to community members as a result of this programming included youth learning their traditional stories, cultural knowledge, and language. Wise practices of the participating centres included ● Wholly embracing language, culture, and identity ● Developing language programs and applications ● Involving Elders in all aspects of the IKC (including governance and consultation) ● Taking time on traditional lands to teach the cultural knowledge ● Use of a community resource library ● Development of a community cultural museum ● Community outreach programming 156 ● Ability of IKC’s to contribute to round table discussions that can influence regional government policy ● And, sharing of knowledge with others. “Because our language and our history go so far back, that if you've got fifteen minutes record an elder, it’s going to take everybody to document and pass on that. The elders in the past never had that problem, you know. They seem to have done it very easily but looking back at things that elders used to talk about, passing that on to the young people; it’s going to take everybody. And we're lucky that in a lot of cases the government is on our side in the Territories, but it’s not always the case in other places. I always tell young people, if you can take fifteen or twenty minutes, then record the elder. Because it will be so important, there's so much to document, so much to research, so much to pass on, that it’s just a lot of work.” Patrick Martel, May 2013 Yamózha Kúé Society, Hay River, NWT, Personal Interview, (Martel, 2013) 157 CHAPTER FIVE- CONCLUSION 5.0 INTRODUCTION The research undertaking set out to better understand Indigenous Knowledge Centres, the acquisition, preservation, protection and transmission of Indigenous knowledge, and the most promising programming and practices for IKCs in Australia and Canada. The results of the research undertaking have shed light upon a relatively unexplored area of study, and I believe it will provide a good resource for communities investigating or considering the development of an IKC. The research study offered a means for established knowledge centres, including the State Library of Queensland (Australia), Yamózha-Kúé, Woodland Cultural Centres and Blue-Sky Community Healing Centre (Canada) to share their wise practices, methods, concepts, and ideas amongst one another and with other Indigenous communities. It is hoped the results of this undertaking will benefit Indigenous communities in Northwestern Ontario; Wabaseemoong Independent Nations and Whitesand First Nation in particular. In addition to providing a base level of information on IKCs for Wabaseemoong and Whitesand the data attained from the research study will enhance academic understanding of ● The role IKCs play in the protection of Indigenous Knowledge (IK) ● How IKCs assist in the transmission of Indigenous Knowledge from one generation to another ● The wise practices of successful established Indigenous Knowledge Centres in both Australia and Canada. 158 5.1 SIGNIFICANT CONCLUSIONS & NEW KNOWLEDGE CONTRIBUTED There are several significant findings drawn from the research undertaking “Indigenous Knowledge Centres and the Transmission of Knowledge”. The research objectives were to look at examples of influential IKC’s in Australia and Canada in order to i. Determine what benefits IKCs can provide in the protection and transmission of Indigenous knowledge (IK) ii. Establish a list of wise practices from successful IKCs iii. Look at ways of learning and acquiring knowledge iv. Share the knowledge. The findings have been organized by the research objects, followed by the additional information gained from the research undertaking. Benefits IKCs Can Provide in the Protection & Transmission of Indigenous Knowledge: Benefits and use of an IKC varied only slightly in terms of programming. All participants found they were used heavily as a resource by schools, teachers, and their students. IKCs are used as ● Place for community members to ask questions and seek guidance ● Central location to store the language, cultural and traditional knowledge of their community ● Space to hold workshops and programming pertaining to their culture, traditional knowledge, and languages 159 ● Space to hold community meetings ● Space for art shows and artistic performances ● A space for ceremony. Indigenous knowledge centre participants identified the biggest benefits associated with their centres as the documentation and rediscovery of their own cultural heritage, teachings, and languages. The reclamation of these knowledges and languages ● created a better understanding of their own culture ● positively influenced the way the community looked at themselves ● allowed for a focus on community healing ● allowed the vital knowledge of Elders to be documented ● allowed for vitally important language immersion programs and community language initiatives. Wise Practices and Programming Identified in Participant IKCs: The most popular programming at all IKCs was identified as the learning of traditional stories and traditional knowledge; followed by the learning of Indigenous language. Participants highlighted the importance of community youth being directly involved in their own cultural histories and seeing youth inspired to pass their own knowledge on to future generations. Successful programming varied from centre to centre, however, programs that involved youth creating, writing, illustrating, and publishing their cultural and conventional stories or books ranked highly as did the development of digital language applications and on the land programs and sharing circles or healing lodges. 160 Finally, the wise practices identified by participating IKCs were ● embracing one’s own language and culture and communities’ self-identity ● language programming and initiatives ● on the land teaching traditional knowledge, language, and culture ● involving Elders in all aspects of the centre including governance and consultation ● community resource library and community museum ● sharing knowledge with others ● and outreach programming that allowed contribution to round table discussions which regional organizations and governments. Ways of Learning and Acquiring Knowledge: The most used and best ways of learning and acquiring knowledge at participant IKCs included • Learning through intergenerational programming: where youth are doing hands on physical verbal and visual learning • On the land teaching traditional knowledge, language, and culture • Learning through the use of technology: youth are already plugged in and typically visual learners • Involving Elders in all aspects of the centre including governance and consultation • Embracing own language, culture, and community’s self identity • Community resource libraries/museums • Cultural healing and ceremonies 161 • Indigenous Art Show, sales and programming • Indigenous Education Initiatives • Community meetings IKC programming included knowledge, cultural and language awareness workshops, language initiatives, and language immersion programs, on the land learning, the showcasing of community artists and coordination of local Indigenous artists gallery and art sales. Children’s programs and ceremony were also highlighted as valuable programming initiatives within the IKCs. Additional Information Gained from the Research Undertaking: Indigenous knowledge centres are most often used by regional schools, teachers, and their students. Other significant users include community teens and Elders, followed closely by residential school survivors. The core essential methods used by the IKCs to protect and preserve the cultural knowledge of their communities included interviewing Elders to ascertain ‘who we are’, as well as amalgamating and indexing documented knowledge for safe keeping and easy access to community members. Protection and custodianship of the community’s Indigenous knowledge was identified as very important. Community IKCs had asserted power and control over their own knowledge and most instituted their own security protocols. Most IKCs knowledge and information had limited access according to their own cultural protocol and community permissions. Digitization of data was identified as being important because it allowed data to be transcribed into 162 different languages. Multiple copies of data could be made and stored in more than one location for added security. Digitization of information also allowed for it to be catalogued and easily retrieved. Logistic Findings: All four community IKCs involved in the research undertaking identified a definitive need to gather, document, protect and transmit their cultural knowledge and histories for their community members. Each participant IKC understood their cultural teachings, languages, and traditions were threatened, infringed upon by Western society or under attack by government policies. All IKCs had a formal mandate to serve as a cultural resource centre promoting the preservation, protection and transmission of their respective community’s traditional knowledge and languages. The centres were deemed important and open to serve their community’s needs year long. All IKCs were able to access funding; either federal, provincial/state/territorial, and/or regional arts council funding. 5.2 RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH There is very limited research within the field of IKCs and the role they play in Indigenous communities. For this reason alone, there is a long list of recommendations for potential research in this area. It would be wonderful to have a better grasp of all the different types of IKC’s around the globe and the roles they play in Indigenous communities elsewhere. There are many questions surrounding logistics and security protocols. What does the planning process look like? What do Indigenous cultural protocols look like within an IKC? How 163 do IKCs inspire youth and community members? What does that inspiration look like? What do IKCs look like from the perspective of community members? Perhaps, the most important areas of research still to be done on Indigenous knowledge centres, might be acquiring a better understanding of the role IKCs play in healing wounds of inter-generational trauma suffered by too many Indigenous peoples living in colonial countries. This research undertaking has only touched on this topic to be sure. How do IKC’s give Indigenous peoples back their voices, confidence in knowing who they are and where they need to be, slowly building the power to make significant societal change? “Overall, Native Americans enter the lodge exhausted from the daily onslaught of oppression but leave, feeling love for self and others, ready to organize again. In this way, spirituality fully realized as a passionate, deeply felt experience that can move people to act to change the world around them, bridging the private and the public realms, challenging Western epistemology that views rationality and emotions as competing concerns.” Renya Ramirez. Native Hubs: Culture, Community, and Belonging in Silicon Valley and Beyond. (Ramirez, 2007, p. 69). 5.3 RELEVANCE OF THE UNDERTAKING AND CONCLUDING THOUGHTS “Indigenous Knowledge Centres and the Transmission of Knowledge” is a significant research undertaking because to date there has been very little written about such cultural centres or how they operate. There has been much discussion by Indigenous scholars, Elders, and knowledge keepers about the harm done to 164 Indigenous knowledge; the importance of documenting Indigenous knowledge; security and ownership of the knowledge and the importance of culture in healing colonial wounds inflicted upon Indigenous peoples. While these are very important topics, there is a gap in the literature when it comes to the most promising methods and practices undertaken by Indigenous communities to reclaim their traditional teachings, knowledges, and languages? What role does the land play in healing colonial wounds? The conservation of Indigenous knowledge, language and culture and its transmission to Indigenous youth and community members is of such significant importance that time cannot be wasted devising new methods. It is the hope and expectation of the researcher that the sharing of the data obtained in this research study will put more information into the hands of Indigenous communities: to access and use the information in the way they see fit and support their plans for cultural transmission. It is hoped the research findings will raise awareness of how IKCs work to protect Indigenous knowledge, facilitate its transmission from one generation to the next and play an important roll in community healing. Finally, it is hoped this information can aid in informing consideration of IKC proposals and funding proposals for the development of IKCs in Indigenous communities who want them. “Cultural survival is not about preservation, sequestering indigenous peoples in enclaves like some sort of zoological specimens. Change itself does note destroy a culture. All societies are constantly evolving. Indeed, a culture survives when it has enough confidence in its past and enough say in its future to maintain its spirit and essence through all the changes it will inevitably undergo.” 165 Wade Davis, 2007. (Davis, Light at the Edge of the World: A Journey Through the Realm of Vanishing Cultures, 2007, p. 127) 166 Bibliography Amnesty International. (n.d.). Who Are Indigenous Peoples? Retrieved June 22, 2021, from Amnesty International: https.//www.amnesty.org/en/what-we-do/Indigenous-peoples/ Appiah, K. A. (1993). In My Fathers House: Africa in the Philosophy of Culture. New York: Oxford University Press. Armitage, A. (1995). Comparing the Policy of Aboriginal Assimilation: Australia, Canada, and New Zealand. Vancouver: UBC Press. Atkinson, B. (2009). Teachers Responding to Narrative Inquiry: An approach to narrative inquiry critism. The Journal of Educational Research, 103(2), 91-102. Australian Government. (n.d.). Australias Eco-Regions. Retrieved September 2012, from Department of Water, Agriculture and the Environment: https://www.awe.gov.au/agriculture-land/land/nrs/science/ibra/australias-ecoregions Australian Institute of Aboriginal & Torres Strait Islanders (AIATSIS). (n.d.) Retrieved May 2022, from Living Languages: https://aiatsis.gov.au/explore/living- languages#:~:text=Many%20languages- ,In%20Australia%20there%20are%20more%20than%20250%20Indigenous%20language s%20including,of%20one%20language%20are%20spoken. Australian Museum - Heritage. (2021, June). Indigenous Australians Gallery 1996-2015. Retrieved November 2021, from Australian Museum Cultural Heritage: https://www.australia.museum/about/history/exhibitions/indigenous-australians/ Bainbridge, R., Whiteside, M., & McCalman, J. (2012). Being, Knowing and Doing: A Phrenetic Approach to Constructing Grounded Theory with Aboriginal Australian Partners. Qualitative Health Research, 2013-23:275. Ball, J. (2004). As If Indigenous Knowledge and Communities Mattered: Transformative education in First Nation communities in Canada. The American Indian Quarterly, 28(3), 454-479. Battiste, M. (2000). Reclaiming Indigenous Voice and Vision. (M. Battiste, Ed.) Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada: UBC Press. Battiste, M. (2002). Indigenous Knowledge and Pedagogy in First Nations Education: A Literature Review with Recommendations. National Working Group on Education, Ottawa. 167 Battiste, M. (2005). Indigenous Knowledge: Foundations for First Nations. WINHEC: International Journal of Indigenous Education Scholarship, 1, 1-17. Retrieved from https://journals.uvic.ca/index.php/winhec/article/view/19251 Battiste, M. (2009, 32(1)). Naturalizing Indigenous knowledge in Eurocentric education. Canadian Journal of Native Education, p. 5. Battiste, M., & Henderson, J. Y. (2000). Protecting Indigenous Knowledge and Heritage: A Global Challenge. Saskatoon, Saskatchewan, Canada: Purich Publishing Ltd. Benton-Banai, E. (1988). The Mishomis Book: The Voice of the Ojibway. St. Paul: Red School House. Berkes, F. (1999). Sacred Ecology (Second ed.). New York: Taylor & Francis. Blue Quills First Nation College. (2009). Blue Quills First Nation College Research Ethics Policy. Retrieved October 2021, from Blue Quills First Nation College: https://www.bluequills.ca/wp-content/uploads/2012/03/BQ-Research-Ethics-Policy- 09.pdf Blue Sky Community Healing Centre. (n.d.). Blue Sky Community Healing Centre. Retrieved October 30, 2021, from http://www.blueskycommunityhealingcentre.ca/about/ Blue Sky Community Healing Centre. (n.d.). Way of Life. Retrieved July 23, 2014, from Blue Sky Community Healing Centre: http://www.blueskycommunityhealingcentre.ca Bombay, A., Matheson, K., & Anisman, H. (2014). The intergenerational effects of Indian residential schools: Implications for the concept of historical trauma. Transcultural Psychiatry, 51(3), 320-338. Bremer, T. (2006). Sacred Spaces and Tourist Places. In D. Timothy, & D. Olsen (Eds.), Religion and Spiritual Journeys. London: Routledge. Broome, R. (1994). Aboriginal Australians: Black Responses to White Dominance 1788-1994. St. Leonards, NSW: Allen & Unwin. Buti, A. (2002). The Removal of Aboriginal Children: Canada and Australia Compared. University of Sydney Law Review, 6, 25-37. Cajete, G. (2000). Indigenous Knowledge: The Pueblo Metaphor of Indigenous Education. In M. Battiste (Ed.), Reclaiming Indigenous Voice and Vision (pp. 181-191). Vancouver: UBC Press. Canadian Encyclopedia. (2020, April 17). Indigenous Languages in Canada. Retrieved October 23, 2021, from The Canadian Encyclopedia: https://www.thecanadianencylopedia.ca/en/article/aboriginal-people-languages 168 Chamberlin, J. E. (2000). From Hand to Mouth: The Post-Colonial Politics of Oral and Written Traditions. In M. Battiste (Ed.), Reclaiming Indigenous Voice and Vision (pp. 124-141). Vancouver: UBC Press. Chandler, M. J., & Lalonde, C. E. (1998). Cultural Continuity as a Hedge Against Suicide in Canadas First Nations. Transcultural Psychiatry, 35(2), 191-219. Chandler, M. J., & Lalonde, C. E. (2008). Cultural continuity as a protective factor against suicide in First Nations youth. Horizons, 10(1), 68-72. Chandler, M., & Proulx, T. (2006). Changing Selves in Changing Worlds: Youth suicides on the fault lines of colliding cultures. Archives of Suicide Research, 10(2), 125-140. Clifford, J. (1991). Four Northwest Coast Museums: Travel reflections. Ivan Karp. Commanda, C. (2019, February 27). First Nations Confederacy of Cultural Education Centres. Retrieved from OurCommons.ca: https://www.ourcommons.ca/Content/Committee/421/CHPC/Brief/BR10365817/br- external/FirstNationsConfederacyOfCulturalEducationCentres-e.pdf Daes, E.-I. (2000). Prologue: The Experience of Colonization Around the World. In M. Battiste (Ed.), Reclaiming Indigenous Voice and Vision (pp. 3-10). Vancouver: UBC Press. Daes, E.-I. A. (1994). United Nations Protection of the Heritage of Indigenous People. Geneva: United Nations. Datta, R. (2019). Sustainability: Through cross-cultural community gardening activities. Local Environment, 24(8), 762-776. Davis, W. (2009). The Wayfinders: Why Cultural Wisdom Matters in the Modern World. Toronto: House of Anansi Press Inc. Deleary, M. (2015a). in Honouring the Truth, Reconciling for the Future: Summary of the Final Report to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. Retrieved from Truth and Reconciliation Commission: https://ehprnh2mwo3.exactdn.com/wp- content/uploads/2021/01/Executive_Summary_English_Web.pdf Delikat, M. (2017). Indigenous Knowledge Centres (IKC): Strong Medicine on Higher Education Campuses - Dissertation. Washington, USA: Old Dominion University. Dickason, O. P., & McNab, D. (2009). Canada's First nations: A History of Founding Peoples From Earliest Times. Don Mills: Oxford University Press. Dixon, R. M., Ramson, W., & Thomas, W. (1990). Language in Danger: The Loss of Linguistic Diversity and the Threat to Our Future. Melbourne: Oxford University Press. 169 Dockery, A. M. (2010). Culture and Wellbeing: the case of Indigenous Australians. Social Indicators Research, 99(2), 315-332. Doxtator, D. (1996). The Implications of Canadian Nationalism for Aboriginal Cultural Autonomy. Curatorship: Indigenous Perspectives in Post-Colonial Societies, pp. 56-70. Duran, E., Firehammer, J., & Gonzalez, J. (2008). Liberation psychology as the path toward healing cultural soul wounds. Journal of Counseling & Development, 86(3), 288-295. First Nation Confederacy of Cultural Education Centres. (2014). FNCCEC Map. Retrieved November 23, 2014, from First Nation Confederacy of Cultural Education Centres: http://www.fnccec.ca/?page_id=171 First Nation Confederacy of Cultural Education Centres. (2014). What We Do. Retrieved July 2014, from First Nation Confederacy of Cultural Education Centres: http://www.fnccec.ca/?page_id=11 Foana'ota, L. (2007). The Future of Indigenous Museums: The Solomon Islands Case. In N. Stanley (Ed.), The Future of Indigenous Museums: Perspectives from the Southwest Pacific. New York: Berghahn Books. Fumoleau, R., & Dene Nation. (1984). Denendeh: A Dene Celebration. Yellowknife: Dene Nation. Garroutte, E. M. (2006). Defining Radical Indigenism and Creating an American Indian Scholarship. Culture, Power, and History, 169-195. Garroutte, E. M. (2019). Activating the Heart: Storytelling, Knowledge Sharing and Relationship. (J. Christensen, C. Cox, & L. Szabo-Jones, Eds.) Transmotion, 5(1), 277-282. Government of Canada - Public Health Agency of Canada. (n.d.). Canadian Best Practices. Retrieved November 01, 2021, from Public Health Agency of Canada: https://www.cbpp-pcpe.phac-aspc.gc.ca/interventions/search-interventions/ Government of Canada. (2012). History of First Nations - Newcomer Relations. Retrieved November 2012, from Crown Indigenous Relations and Northern Affairs: https://www.rcaanc-cirnac.gc.ca/eng/1307460755710/1536862806124#chp2 Government of Canada. (2018). Panel on Research Ethics. Retrieved from TCPS 2 - Chapter 9: Research Involving First Nations, Inuit, and Metis Peoples of Canada: https://ethics.gc.ca/eng/tcps2-eptc2_2018_chapter9-chapitre9.html Government of Canada. (2016). The Aboriginal languages of First Nations people, Métis and Inuit. Release date: October 25, 2017. Retrieved May 2021 from Statistics Canada: https://www12.statcan.gc.ca/census-recensement/2016/as-sa/98-200-x/2016022/98- 200-x2016022-eng.cfm Gray, D. E. (2009). Doing Research in the Real World. Los Angeles: Sage Publications. 170 Gray, J. H., & Densten, I. L. (2005, 3(3)). Towards an integrative model of organizational culture and knowledge management. pp. 594-603. Groat, C. (2020, February 18). Six Nations of the Grand River. Retrieved November 21, 2021, from The Canadian Encyclopedia: https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/six-nations-of-the-grand-river Gulliford, A. (2000). Sacred Objects and Sacred Places: Preserving Tribal Traditions. Denver: University Press of Colorado. Gumbula, J. N. (2005). Exploring the Gupapuynga Legacy: Strategies for developing the galiwin'ku knowledge centre. Australian Academic & Research Libraries, 36(2), 23-26. Hamacher, D. W. (2018, May). Dancing With the Stars': Astronomy and Music in the Torres Strait. Retrieved November 21, 2021, from Aboriginal Astronomy: http://www.aboriginalastronomy.com.au/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/Hamacher- Dancing-with-Stars.pdf Hart, M. A. (2010). Indigenous Worldviews, Knowledge, and Research: the development of an Indigenous research paradigm. Journal of Indigenous Social Development, 1(1A). Hayward, A., Sjoblom, E., Sinclair, S., & Cidro, J. (2021). A New Era of Indigenous Research: Community Based Research Ethics Protocols in Canada. Journal of Empirical Research on Human Research Ethics. Horton, J. (2012). Rewriting Political History: Letters from Aboriginal people in Victoria, 1886- 1919. History Australia, 9(2), 157-181. Hughes, J. D., & Swan, J. (1986). How much of the Earth Is Sacred Space? Environmental Review, 10(4), 247-259. Indian Residential School History and Dialogue Centre. (n.d.). Indian Residential School History and Dialogue Centre. (U. o. Columbia, Producer) Retrieved November 20, 2021, from https://collections.irshdc.ubc.ca/index.php/Detail/entities/1146 Johnson, M. (1992). Lore: Capturing traditional environmental knowledge. Northwest Territories: Dene Cultural Institute & the International Development Research Centre. Johnston, A. M. (2006). Is the Sacred for Sale: Tourism and Indigenous Peoples. United Kingdom: Earthscan. Johnston, B. (2001). The Manitous: The Spiritual World of the Ojibway. St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society Press. Key, A. (2014, May 09). Woodland Cultural Centre. (L. Harris, Interviewer) 171 Knudson, P., & Suzuki, D. (1992). Wisdom of the Elders: Native and Scientific Ways of Knowing About Nature. Vancouver: Greystone Books. Kovach, M. (2005). Emerging From the Margins: Indigenous Methodologies. In L. Brown, & S. Strega (Eds.), Research as Resistance: Critical, Indigenous and Anti-Oppressive Approaches (pp. 19-36). Canadian Scholars Press. Kovach, M. (2009). Indigenous Methodologies; Characteristics, Conversations and Contexts. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Kreps, C. (2003). Curatorship as Social Practice. The Museum Journal, 46(3), 311-323. Kreps, C. (2007). The Theoretical Future of Indigenous Museums: Concepts and Practice. In N. Stanley (Ed.), The Future of Indigenous Museums: Perspectives from the Southwest Pacific. USA: Berhahn Books. Kreps, C. (2008). Indigenous Curation, Museums, and Intangible Cultural Heritage. In L. Smith, & N. Akagawa (Eds.), Intangible Heritage (pp. 207-222). Laura Jane Smith, Natsuko Akagawa: Routledge. Lawrence, D., & Reeves Lawrence, H. (2004). Torres Strait: The Region and Its People. In R. Davis (Ed.), Woven Histories, Dancing Lives: Torres Strait Islander Identity, Culture and History (pp. 15-29). Canberra, Australia: Aboriginal Studies Press. Liew, C., Yeates, J., & Lilley, S. (2021). Digitized Indigenous Knowledge Collections: Impact on cultural knowledge transmission, social connections, and cultural identity Version 1. Retrieved from Victoria University of Wellington - Te Herenga Waka: https://www.doi.org/10.25455/wtgn,14818785.v1 Little Bear, L. (2000). Jagged Worldviews Colliding. In M. Battiste (Ed.), Reclaiming Indigenous Voice and Vision (pp. 77-85). Vancouver: UBC Press. Mark, G. T., & Lyons, A. C. (2010). Maori Healers' Views on Well-Being: the importance of mind, body, spirit, family, and land. Social Science and Medicine, 70(11), 1756-1764. Maxwell-Stewart, H. (2010). Convict Transportation from Britain and Ireland 1615 - 1870. History Compass, 8(11), 1221-1242. McConvell, P., & Thieberger, N. (2001). State of Indigenous Languages in Australia - 2001. Canberra: Australia State of the Environment Second Technical Paper Series (Natural & Cultural Heritage) - Department of the Environment Heritage. McGaw, J., & Pieris, A. (2015). Assembling the Centre: Architecture for Indigenous Cultures: Australia and Beyond. New York: Routledge. McGregor, D. (2000). From Exclusion to Co-Existence: Aboriginal Participation in Ontario Forest Management Planning - Doctoral Thesis. Retrieved October 2021, from University of 172 Toronto: https://www.google.ca/search?q=debra+mcgregor+%2B+2000&hl=en&sxsrf=AOaemvIC 542R7OzKWg2Q8kjOuRwgN9THlg%3A1637989496653&source=hp&ei=eLyhYcOGJYmJlw SssIPAAw&iflsig=ALs-wAMAAAAAYaHKiHIdTLaOgQSCm0VyyuIVRpzpc- ea&ved=0ahUKEwjDot2w4rf0AhWJxIUKHSzYADgQ4dUDCAk&uact McGregor, D. (2004, (20)3). Coming Full Circle: Indigenous Knowledge, Environment and Our Future. The American Indian Quarterly, pp. 385-410. Mignolo, W. D. (1994). Afterword: Writing and Recorded Knowledge in Colonial and Post- Colonial Situations. In E. H. Boone (Ed.), Writing Without Words (pp. 292-314). USA: Duke University Press. Mills, M., Van de Bunt, G., & de Bruijn, J. (2006, 21(5)). Comparative Research: Persistent Problems & Promising Solutions. International Sociology, pp. 619-631. Monture, R. (2014). We Share Our Matters: Two Centuries of Writing and Resistance at Six Nations of the Grand River. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press. Morrison, R. B., & Wilson, C. R. (2004). Native Peoples: The Canadian Experience. Toronto: Oxford University Press. Moses, R. (1965, December 28). Personal Correspondence to Indian Affairs Canada. Retrieved November 2021, from BishopAccountability.org: https://www.bishop- accountability.org/news2015/05_06/2015_05_18_Russ_Citizen_The_misery'.htm Nakata, M., & Langton, M. (2005). Australian Indigenous Knowledge and Libraries. Sydney: University of Technology Sydney ePress. Nakata, M., Byrne, A., Nakata, V., & Gardiner, G. (2005). Indigenous knowledge, the library and information service centre. Australian Academic & Research Libraries, 36(2), 7-21. Nakata, M., Hamacher, D., Warren, J., Byrne, A., Pagnucco, M., Harley, R., & Bolt, R. (2014). Using Modern Technologies to Capture and Share Indigenous Astronomical Knowledge. Australian Academic & Research Libraries, 45(2), 101-120. Nakata, N. M., Nakata, V. S., Anderson, J., Hunter, J., Hart, V., Smallacombe, S., & Maynard, G. (2007). Libraries and knowledge centres: Implementing public library services in remote Indigenous communities in the Northern Territory of Australia. Australian Academic & Research Libraries, 38(3), 216-231. National and State Libraries Australasia. (n.d.). National and State Libraries Australasia. Retrieved October 30, 2021, from https://www.nsla.org.au/ National Research Council - United States. (1992). Conserving Biodiversity: A research agenda for developing agencies. Washington D.C.: National Academy Press. 173 Ngulube, P. (2002). Managing and preserving Indigenous knowledge management era: Challenges and opportunities for information professionals. Information Development, 18(2), 95-102. Nipigon Museum. (2017, February). Nipigon Museum: The Blog. Retrieved June 21, 2021, from Nipigon Museum: https://www.nipigonmuseumtheblog.blogspot.com/2017/02/ogoki- diversion-and-nipigon-river-dams.html Northwest Territories Government. (2012). Ecological Regions of the Northwest Territories. Retrieved from Environment and Natural Resources: https://www.enr.gov.nt.ca/en/services/ecosystem-classification Official Languages and Bilingualism Institute. (2015, July 14). University of Ottawa Site for Language Management in Canada (SLMC). Retrieved from https://slmc.uottawa.ca/?q=native_peoples_languages Pilot, J. (2005). Developing Indigenous Knowledge Centres. In M. Nakata, & M. Langton, Australian Indigenous Knowledge and Libraries (pp. 34-39). Sydney: University of Technology Sydney ePress. Ramirez, R. (2007). Native Hubs: Culture, Community and Belonging in Silicon Valley and Beyond. New York: Duke University Press. Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (RCAP). (1996). Report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples - Ethical Guidelines for Research. Ottawa: Canada Communications Group. Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. (1996). Report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples: Highlights from the Report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples - A Word from Commissioners. Retrieved November 2021, from Crown Indigenous Relations and Northern Affairs Canada: https://www.rcaanc- cirnac.gc.ca/eng/1100100014597/1572547985018 Rutherford, S. (2020). Canadas Other Red Scare: Indigenous and Colonial Encounters During the Global 60s. Kingston: McGill-Queens University Press. Ryan, L. (2008). Massacre in the Black War in Tasmania 1823-34: a case study of the Meander River region June 1827. Journal of Genocide Research, 10(4), 479-499. Schnarch, B. (2004). Ownership, Control, Access and Possession (OCAP) or Self-Determination Applied to Research: A Critical Analysis of Contemporary First Nations Research and Some Options for First Nation Communities. Journal of Aboriginal Health, 80-95. Retrieved July 18, 2014, from http://69.27.97.110/documents/journal/jah01_01/journal_p80-95.pdf 174 Shkilnyk, A. M. (1985). A Poison Stronger Than Love: The Destruction of an Ojibway Community. New Haven: Yale University Press. Short, D. (2003). Reconciliation, assimilation, and the Indigenous peoples of Australia. International Political Science Review, 24(4), 491-513. Sieber, J. E., & Tolich, M. B. (2012). Planning Ethically Responsible Research. California: Sage Publications Inc. Simpson, L. (2002). Indigenous Environmental Education for Cultural Survival. Canadian Journal of Environmental Education, 7(1), 13-25. Simpson, L. B. (2014). Land as Pedagogy: Nishnaabeg intelligence and rebellious transformation. Decolonization: Indigenization, Education & Society, 3(3). Simpson, L. R. (2004, 28(3)). Anticolonial strategies for the recovery and maintenance of Indigenous knowledge. The American Indian Quarterly, pp. 373-384. Simpson, M. G. (1996). Making Representations: Museums in the Post-Colonial Era (1st ed.). Routledge. doi:https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203713884 Six Nations of the Grand River. (n.d.). About. Retrieved October 2013, from Six Nations of the Grand River: https://www.sixnations.ca/about Smith, T. L. (1999). Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples. Dunedin, New Zealand: University of Otago Press. State Library of Queensland. (2013). Long-time Learning: Queensland Indigenous Knowledge Centres. Retrieved April 2013, from Queensland Government: http://www.slq.qld.gov.au/about-us/indigenous-knowledge-centres State Library of Queensland. (2013). Yumpu. Retrieved October 30, 2021, from https://www.yumpu.com/en/document/read/26312641/reconciliation-action-plan- 2012a13-state-library-of-queensland State Library of Queensland. (n.d.). Indigenous Knowledge Centres. Retrieved October 29, 2021, from State Library of Queensland: https://www.slq.qld.gov.au/about-us/partnerships- collaboration/local-government-and-public-libraries/indigenous- knowledge#:~:text=Indigenous%20Knowledge%20Centres%20(IKCs)%20are,day%20ope rations%20of%20their%20IKC. Steckley, J., & Cummins, B. D. (2008). Full Circle: Canada's First Nations. Toronto: Pearson Prentice Hall. Steyn, S. M. (2010). A Contemporary Museum Experience: The design of a new satellite museum for the Ditsong: Natural Museum of Cultural History in Pretoria. University of Peoria: Doctoral Dissertation. 175 The Canadian Encyclopedia. (2020, February 18). Six Nations of the Grand River. Retrieved November 2021, from The Canadian Encyclopedia: https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/six-nations-of-the-grand-river Thompson, L., & Colless, R. (2008). Indigenous Knowledge Centres: the Queensland experience six years on. Brisbane: State Library of Queensland. Thorpe, K., & Galassi, M. (2014). Rediscovering Indigenous Languages: The role and impact of libraries and archives in cultural revitalization. Australian and Academic Research Libraries, 45(2), 81-100. UNESCO. (2012, April). World Heritage & Best Practices, No. 67. Retrieved November 01, 2021, from UNESCO: https://es.calameo.com/read/0033299729f25d849b50e United States Government. (2021, June 21). Facts and Figures About Great Lakes. Retrieved from Environmental Protection Agency: https://www.epa.gov/greatlakes/facts-and- figures-about-great-lakes Wabaseemoong Independent Nations. (n.d.). Wabaseemoong Independent Nations. Retrieved from https://wabaseemoong.ca/ Walsh, M. (2005). Will Indigenous Languages Survive? Annual Review of Anthropology, 34, 293- 315. Warren, D. M. (1991). Using Indigenous Knowledge in Agricultural Development. Washington D.C.: The World Bank. Whitesand First Nation. (2021, June 20). Whitesand First Nation. Retrieved from https://www.whitesandfirstnation.com/assets/files.030895_Project_Description_Repor t.pdf Wiken, E. (2015, March 04). Natural Regions. (H. Canada, Producer) Retrieved November 21, 2021, from The Canadian Encyclopedia: https://www/thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/natural-regions Wild, R., McLeod, C., & Valentine, P. (2008). Sacred Natural Sites: Guidelines for area managers No. 16. IUCN. Wilson, A. C. (2004, 28(3)). Introduction: Indigenous knowledge recovery is Indigenous empowerment. The American Indian Quarterly, pp. 359-372. Wilson, S. (2008). On the Research Journey. In Research is Ceremony: Indigenous Research Methods. Black Point, Nova Scotia: Fernwood Publishing. Wilson, S. (2009). Research is Ceremony: Indigenous Research Methods. Canada: Fernwood Publishing. 176 Windsor, J., & McVey, J. (2005). Annihilation of Both Place and Sense of Place: The experience of the Cheslatta T'En Canadian First Nation within the context of large-scale environmental projects. The Geographical Journal, 171, 146-165. Woodland Cultural Centre. (2013, April). Woodland Cultural Centre. Retrieved from https://www.woodlandculturalcentre.ca/about us Woodland Cultural Centre. (2021, October 30). Woodland Cultural Centre. Retrieved from https://www.woodlandculturalcentre.ca/about-us/ World Wildlife Fund. (2014). Terrestrial Eco-Regions. Retrieved September 2014, from World Wildlife Fund: https://www.worldwildlife.org/biomes/tropical-and-subtropical-moist- broadleaf-forests Yamohza-Kúé Society. (2021, October 29). About Us. Retrieved from Yamohza-Kúé Society: https://www.YamózhaKúésociety.com/about-us Yamózha Kúé Society/Dene Cultural Institute. (n.d.). The Institute. Retrieved April 2013, from Yamózha Kúé Society: http://www.deneculture.org/about/the-institute/ 177 Appendices Appendix A - Glossary of Terms Appendix B – Research Tools Appendix C - Research Findings Appendix D - Tri-Council Policy Statement 178 APPENDIX A GLOSSARY OF TERMS Indigenous Peoples: For the purposes of this research study Indigenous peoples are those peoples that descend from the peoples originally living on the land when others from different cultures and ethnicities arrived and began colonizing. They often share certain characteristics including ● Self- identification as an Indigenous person at the individual level and accepted by the community as their member ● Historical continuity with pre-colonial and/or pre-settler societies ● Strong link to territories and surrounding natural resources ● Distinct social, economic, or political systems ● Distinct language, culture, and beliefs ● Form non-dominant groups of society ● Resolve to maintain and reproduce their ancestral environments and systems as distinctive peoples and communities (Amnesty International, n.d.) Indigenous Knowledge: Indigenous knowledge is a way of living and a way of doing. It is not knowledge as we know it but rather the life of Indigenous peoples; it is in their personal relationships with the Creator, Mother Earth, with one another and with all living things. “Indigenous knowledge represents an integration of person, place, product and process.” (McGregor, 2004, p. 391) 179 Indigenous Worldview: A vital component of Indigenous identity includes a unique cultural worldview, which includes their understanding of the Earth and the role that they play within that system (Wilson S., 2008). Indigenous Ways of Knowing: Indigenous peoples have a distinct approach to knowing and to knowledge. Ways of knowing include a variety knowledge types including metaphysical, holistic, oral, symbolic, relational, and intergenerational (Daes, 1994). The methods of gaining knowledge can include interpersonal information as well as physical and spiritual information. Mother Earth (or the land) is often understood to be the teacher and the source of the knowledge. Indigenous Knowledge Centres: Indigenous knowledge centres (IKC’s) are typically physical centres (although not exclusively) that hold and protect Indigenous knowledge in a variety of forms and then facilitate the transmission of that knowledge to the community members to whom the knowledge belongs (Ngulube, 2002). Knowledge centres can be quite varied in their methods and in their use; however, they are very much alike in their role to preserve and protect Indigenous knowledge and aid in the transmission of that knowledge. Wise Practices: Wise Practices are procedures or solutions that have four main characteristics; they are innovative, make a difference, are sustainable, and have the potential for replication 180 (Government of Canada - Public Health Agency of Canada, n.d.) (UNESCO, 2012). Wise Practices that are innovative have found solutions to a particular set of existing community problems. The set of solutions must make a perceived difference to a community by improving upon the quality of life of the people within that community. Wise Practices must also have a sustainable effect, supporting their community by improving upon community knowledge and education. Finally, Wise Practices must have the potential for replication; their solutions and policies must be straight forward and able to be duplicated by others within another community. Innovation, success, and sustainability must be evaluated by those involved in the process as well as experts before being deemed a wise practice; and replication of a wise practice means only that the solution must be accessible to other communities (UNESCO, 2012). Knowledge Transmission: For the purposes of this research project knowledge transmission is the transference and dissemination of knowledge and skills from one person to another. Eurocentric Society: Members of society whose cultural expectations and biases are articulated in terms of the cultural assumptions and biases of Europeans, and by extension, the West, when they are evaluating non-European societies. 181 APPENDIX B RESEARCH TOOLS: Northwestern Ontario First Nation Communities - Letters of Support: • Wabaseemoong First Nation Letter of Support ● Whitesand First Nation Letter of Support Six Nations Ethics Committee: • Six Nations Council Research Ethics Committee Protocol/Application for Ethics Approval • Six Nations Ethics Committee Approval Letter IKC Director Interview Questions Recruitment Materials ● Sample Introductory Correspondence for Participants Informed Participant Consent: ● Informed Participant Consent Form ● Signed Consent Forms ▪ State Library of Queensland IKC, Australia ▪ Yamózha-Kúé ▪ Blue-Sky Healing Centre ▪ Woodland Cultural Centre 182 3/17/22, 10:55 PM Lakehead University Mail - Fw: Wabaseemoong Participation in IKC Research Lisa Harris Fw: Wabaseemoong Participation in IKC Re search Eric Fishel. com April 2012 at 01:01 To: "laharris@lakeheadu.ca" Sent wirelessly from my BlackBerry device on the Bell network. Envoyé sans fil par mon terminal mobile BlackBerry sur le réseau de Bell. -----Original Message----- From: Anita Ross Date: Wed, 11 Apr 2012 04:59:24 To: Subject: Wabaseemoong Participation in IKC Research To: Lisa Harris laharris@lakeheadu.ca Re: First Nation participation in IKC research Dear Lisa: this is in response to your request for confirmation of Wabaseemong Independent Nation's participation in your graduate research. I am aware that your graduate thesis will examine existing Indigenous Knowledge centres that Aboriginal communities have established for the collection, protection, transmission and application of Indigenous traditional knowledge, provide your findings to representatives of First Nations in NW Ontario, and obtain feedback on whether and to what extent existing models might best be responsive to the needs and aspirations of First Nations in NW Ontario. This is to confirm that Wabaseemoong Independent Nation is very interested in the topic, is willing to participate in your research, and is keen to obtain and discuss your findings. Generally, WIN's experience with academic researchers has been problematic, so we are careful to understand how the community will benefit. I trust that you find this helpful. If you or your advisers wish to discuss your research, I can be contacted through the band office at (807) 927-2000 Ext: 229. I look forward to being kept apprised of your progress. Sincerely, Chief Eric Fisher Wabaseemoong Independent Nations 1/1 183 April-11-12 Lisa Harris Re: Whitesand First Nation participation in IKC research Dear Lisa: Whitesand First Nation is most pleased to provide to you this letter of support in response to your request for confirmation of Whitesand First Nation's participation in your Indigenous Knowledge (IK) research project. Whitesand First Nation is very interested in the topic, and is most willing to participate in your research, and to obtain and discuss your findings. I am aware that your graduate thesis will examine existing Indigenous Knowledge centres that Aboriginal communities have established for the collection, protection, transmission and application of Indigenous traditional knowledge, provide your findings to representatives of First Nations in NW Ontario, and obtain feedback on whether and to what extent existing models might best be responsive to the needs and aspirations of First Nations in NW Ontario. Having worked the past twenty years in supporting First Nations to collect, map, protect, and promote their IK; we would find your research to be most beneficial to developing long term options and solutions towards a better approach. Whitesand is currently exploring various geospatial and data management technologies combined with intellectual property tools that would mesh quite well with your research. Our goal is to find the culturally appropriate solution to provide long term secure storage, access and application development of IK. I trust that you find this helpful. If you or your advisers wish to discuss your research I can be contacted at 807-620-1394 or by email at david.mackett@whitesandfirstnation.com . I look forward to being kept apprised of your progress. Sincerely, David L Mackett, GISP Community and Resource Development CC. Chief Allan Gustafson 184 Six Nations Council Research Ethics Committee Protocol The Ethics protocol, otherwise known as the application for ethics approval, is comprised of three sections: Section 1 is a coversheet that records your contact details and the title of your project. Section 2 is a checklist of mostly yes/no responses that identify key issues. Section 3 is the proforma that provides the Ethics Committee with more detail about your project and particularly your interaction with research participants and Indigenous knowledge. Please complete all three sections and submit 4 copies and the original to the Ethics Committee Secretary at least ten (10) business days prior to a regular Ethics Committee meeting. Section 1: Coversheet Researcher's name Lisa Harris (If there is more than one researcher, please indicate who should receive correspondence) Researcher's School/ Institution Lakehead University, Graduate Student in the Master of Environmental and Division/Dept Studies Northern Environments and Cultures Program Postal Address 163 Millar Heights Drive, Murillo, Ontario, POT 2GO for Correspondence Telephone numbers 807-627-4106 Email 807-935-3242 laharris@lakeheadu.ca Please circle the type of Staff PhD Professional research being undertaken: Masters Masters Grad Dip/Grad Cert Doctorate Research Coursework Commercial Honours Undergrad Medical/Clinical Other Title of Project: Indigenous Knowledge Centres and the Transmission of Knowledge Plain English Title: 185 Proposed commencement date If researcher is a student: Supervisor's name: Dr. Robert Robson, Indigenous Studies Dept., Lakehead University Supervisor's email address: Supervisor's telephone number: 186 Applicant's Acknowledgement and Consent 1, Lisa A. Harris, the undersigned hereby represent and warrant that I am duly authorized to submit this application and provide information on behalf of any other patty mentioned herein. I swear that the information submitted in this application is true, correct and complete to the best of my knowledge. I hereby authorize and instruct the Six Nations Elected Council, its agents, successors, and employees to obtain necessary information regarding this application from any source for the purpose of verifying the content of this application and deciding whether to grant permission for the above requested activity. If my request is approved, and the research permitted, I agree to accept all liability arising and resulting from the approved research. I further absolve Six Nations Elected Council, its agents, successors, and employees of any liability associated with, arising, or resulting from the approved research. I declare that I have read and understood the Policy for Conducting Ethical Research (SNCR GC#213/06/16/2009) and hereby certify that I have fully considered the ethical implications of the proposed research and believe that research will be conducted pursuant to applicable Six Nations, Provincial and Federal guidelines, policies, regulations and legislation. Supervisor Approval (if applicable) Robert Robson 1, the undersigned hereby represent and warrant that I am duly authorized to support this application. I certify that the protocol is complete, and the research will be conducted in accordance with the Policy for Conducting Ethical Research and in an ethical manner. I swear that the applicant has obtained ethical research approval from the institution I represent prior to submitting this application for further ethics approval. I covenant that I will cooperate with the Six Nations Council Research Ethics Committee on all reasonable requests and furthermore that I will contribute meaningfully to any conflict resolution that may be required in the event research resulting from this application's approval is reported as not in compliance with the Policy for Conducting Ethical Research. Signature of Applicant's Supervisor (if applicable) Date Please note that protocols which do not provide sufficient information for the Ethics Committee to make an adequate assessment may be returned for revision, Section 2: Checklist Please circle your response to each of the following questions: Does the research involve participation of Aboriginal or Six Nations people who have bee selected as research participants because they are North American Indians? YES / O Does the research involve any artifacts that are of cultural, spiritual, or religious significance Aboriginal or Six Nations people? YES / N Does the research involve an unusually dependent relationship between the researcher and of the research participants? YES / NO Could the research place research participants in an unusually vulnerable situation? YES / NO Is there any potential risk (physical, emotional, social, or legal) to individual participants' well being, beyond that normally encountered in everyday life, as a result of their involvement research? YES / O Does the research involve the administration or application of drugs and/or Clinical Trial Notification Scheme (CTN) documentation? YES / NO Is there any reasonable likelihood that the research will result in the reporting of suspecte abuse? YES / NO Is there any potential risk to the researcher's safety, beyond that normally encountered in everyday life, as a result of their involvement in the research? YES / o Do you plan to vary the usual written consent processes? YES / o Is the study known to involve research into illegal activities? YES / Does the study have potential legal implications for the researcher or the Six Nations Cou YES / o Does the methodology of the research conform to the standards outlined in the Tri- il Policy Statement: Ethical Conductfor Research Involving Humans? ES NO Have you applied for funding for this research? YES / O If YES, please list the names of funding/grant bodies applied to and the type of funding sought: xl/æ What research methodologies will you use (check those applicable) O Anonymous questionnaires O Questionnaires requesting intimate personal, identifying, or sensitive information O Internet questionnaires O Other questionnaires Face to face interviews which do not request personal or sensitive information O Face to face interviews which request personal or sensitive information Observation of participant's usual activities O Focus groups O Observation of an activity set up for the purposes of the study O Action Research O Access to medical records or records which contain intimate personal information, and are individually identifiable and are not publicly available O Experiment or testing of a procedure, drug or equipment O Other (please specify) Please check the group(s) from which your sample of participants will be drawn for this study O Aboriginal/indigenous people O Children or young people under the age of 18 O Non-Aboriginals O Patients of a hospital or clinic O Six Nations members only O Prisoners or people in the custody of correctional services O On reserve Six Nations people O Off Reserve Six Nations people other (please specify) List the organizations/institutions where data collection and research will be undertaken. (Please note that written approval from all organizations must be obtained before the research can commence). Data collection (by means of a personal interview) will be undertaken at the Woodland Cultural Centre in Brantford, Ontario. Ms. Janis Monture has approved my request for a research interview via email. A copy of this consenting email is attached. Please see Appendix 6. Will the research involve access to individuals, clients or records required from any organ• If YES, has approval been received from these organizations? YES / NO Will you access individually identifiable information about participants from any government department? YES / NO Or from another organization (for example information from INAC concerning Indian registration, education, funding, Hospital, or Health Canada, or provincial welfare, OHIP, health depa or correctional services)? YES / NO If YES, list the government department(s) and/or organization(s) Have you received approval to access this information from the government Department/organization listed above? YES / NO Please share how you have engaged the community, or intend to engage the community, in approving, advising on and managing your project: I would appreciate any input or advice that the community, the Ethics committee or the staff of the Woodland Cultural Centre would like to put forward in regard to my research project. I would also be very willing to present my research findings to the community/Woodland Cultural Centre at a forum organized by the Ethics committee following the completion of my thesis. Please indicate the measures you have taken to mitigate the risks of misuse or misappropriation of tangible and intangible cultural property of Six Nations: In order to mitigate the risks of misuse or misappropriation of tangible and intangible cultural property of Six Nations (and other First Nations) I have completed the TCPS 2: CORE certificate course (completed October 201 1) and have completed a protocol research submission for the Research Ethics Board of Lakehead University (which was approved in June of 2012). Are the following appendices attached? @ Appendix 1 Reference list O Appendix 2 Research tools (if applicable for this study) Appendix 3 Recruitment material (if applicable for this study) O Appendix 4 Information sheet @ Appendix 5 Consent form (if applicable for this study) Appendix 6 Correspondence (if applicable for this study) Language of the consent form, information sheet and any other material provided to research participants if other than English. How do you intend to report your research? @Thesis/dissertation O Conference presentation O Journal article/s O Commissioned report O Research paper O Other (please specify) Will you present your research findings to the community at a public forum organized by the Ethics Committee? If requested. / NO Will research participants have the opportunity to receive a copy of your ort if they wish? NO Will research participants receive any payment in relation to their participation? YES / NO Ethics approval will not be finalised until copies of all necessary materials have been received by the Secretary of the Ethics Committee. Six Nations Council Research Ethics Committee Proposal Research Outline and Ethics Protocol May 21, 2013 Dr. Robert Robson, Indigenous Learning Department, Lakehead University Student Researcher: Lisa A. Harris, MES Candidate, Northern Environments and Cultures Program, Lakehead University 1. RESEARCH AIMS: 1.1 Research Aims: The purpose of my research is to look at Indigenous Knowledge Centres (IKC's), in Australia and Canada, to determine their methods of knowledge protection their means of knowledge transmission the benefits IKC's provide to their respective communities their best practices for the transfer of knowledge from one generation to the next And, finally, whether there might be a benefit in having a government funded IKC model compared to IKC's that have developed their own unique model. I will then bring all of the information gathered from IKC's to three Northwestern Ontario First Nation communities so that they can determine if they would like to have an IKC in their community and what IKC characteristics would best suit the needs of their community. Finally, using all of the information that I have gathered I can build a model for a Northwestern Ontario Indigenous Knowledge Centre. 1.2 Need For and Value of My Research: Academic articles on Indigenous Knowledge Centres are very limited and it is hoped that this research will help us to better understand how IKC's work to protect Indigenous knowledge and aid in the transmission of cultural knowledge from one generation to the next. It is hoped that the research study will also shed light on the effectiveness of an IKC model in the creation of a community cultural centre. Indigenous Knowledge Centres in Australia and Canada, as well as their directors, could benefit as a result of this research study in that they will receive a copy of the researchers’ findings (including a listing of the best practices of all participating IKC's. I believe that this research has the potential to be a benefit to First Nation communities. An IKC in a remote or semi remote community could give them the benefit of; Their own public library Public access to computers and the internet Improved protection of Indigenous knowledge (1K) and traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) Improved transmission of language, culture, 1K, and TEK to youth and others in the community Designated building would allow the community to come together to celebrate their culture Secure storage location to protect already documented TEK and cultural mapping projects Knowledge of the best practices of successful IKC's in Australia and Canada And allow First Nation communities in North-Western Ontario a base from which to develop their own Indigenous Knowledge Centre. 2. RESEARCH METHODOLOGIES: 2.1 Research Questions: My proposed research will examine these aspects of Indigenous Knowledge Centres. What are the benefits of IKC's in the transmission and protection of Indigenous knowledge? Are there benefits to a community using a pre-existing IKC model? What are the best practices of successful IKC's both in Australia and Canada? Of all of the information collected (from IKC's and from the knowledge of their own community's needs) what do Aboriginal Elders and other knowledgeable community members want to see in a Northwestern Ontario Knowledge Centre? 2.2 Research Design and Methodology: My methodology for this research has four parts; Part A, Part B, Part C and Part D. Parts A and B are the most relevant for my research with the Woodland Cultural Centre and Six Nations. Research Methodology - Part A: The proposed research will examine these aspects of Indigenous Knowledge Centres. What are the benefits of IKC's in the transmission and protection of Indigenous knowledge? Are there benefits to a community using a pre-existing IKC model? What are the best practices of successful IKC's both in Australia and Canada? Of all of the information collected (from IKC's and from the knowledge of their own community's needs) what do Aboriginal Elders and other knowledgeable community members want to see in a Northwestern Ontario Knowledge Centre? Required Characteristics for a Successful IKC: By using an article by Kreps, 2007, on the challenges experienced with initial IKCs in Queensland, Australia I developed a list of criteria for use in determining the success of an IKC. The characteristics subscribing to a successful IKC include; length of time the IKC has been active; diversity of cultural activities provided by the centre; extent to which the IKC has integrated itself into the communities cultural existence; degree to which the IKC has been able to nurture and protect the Indigenous Knowledge (1K) of the community; and the IKCs contribution to the socio-economic development of its community. Number of Potential Subjects: I would like to interview one person at each Indigenous Knowledge Centre, however, if the centre director deems it appropriate to have more than one person present at the interview that number may be higher. While visiting three First Nation communities in Northwestern Ontario I would hope to interview approximately 5% to 10% of the population of each community. I can estimate the population of each community to be between 300 and 500 people (400 on average). The average number of potential community participants in each community would be 20 to 40 people. When participants from all three Northwestern Ontario First Nation communities are added together the total number of potential community participants is 65 to 125. My total research project, then, will involve interviewing or collecting survey information from 65 to 125 participants. Research Methodology — Part B: Introduction: In order to determine the benefits, characteristics, and best practices of Indigenous Knowledge Centres it is necessary to visit IKCs, gather and collect information from the directors of the IKC's both in Canada and internationally. Australia was chosen as the international country to visit for this study as they have the most developed and best funded Indigenous Knowledge Centres and IKC models in the world and funding restrictions allowed for only one international country to be travelled to. l) I have selected established and effective knowledge centres based on the five previously mentioned key characteristics of success. In Australia, I am looking to visit the Director of Queensland, Australia's State Library (SLQ) Indigenous Knowledge Centres (IKC's) at her office in Cairns. In the interest of time and efficiency I will interview the Director of SLQ's IKC's as she represents all 22 of the IKC's in Queensland and was instrumental in designing and implementing them. In Canada, I am looking to visit the Dene Cultural Institute/Yamózha Kúé society in Hay River, NWT, the Woodland Cultural Centre in Brantford, ON, and the Grey Wolf Traditional Teaching Lodge in Thunder Bay, ON. If time and funds permit, I would like to look at other centres as well. 2) I am currently in the process of contacting the directors of these IKC's to explain my research, determine if they are interested in participating in this research undertaking, seeking their consent to participate, and then scheduling visits and interviews with the directors of the centres. 3) Once I have received the consent and approval of the IKC's and their directors, I will be conducting site analyses and interviews with the directors. i) Site analyses of the IKC will include an examination of the physical building shape, general size, location, layout, natural settings and features, infrastructure, access, and other sensory observations. ii) Interviews with the IKC directors using semi-structured interviews will focus on the set up of the IKC, the mandate of the centre, the protection of knowledge, the transmission of knowledge, programs, activities and events at the centre, and their best practices and advice (Please see Appendix 2 - for Indigenous Knowledge Centre Director Interview Questions). Proposed Methodology — Part C: Part C of the methodology explains the steps that will be taken in determining the need for an IKC in Northwestern Ontario First Nation communities, the IKC features and characteristics that would best suit the needs of their community for the development of a Northwestern Ontario IKC model. 1) I have received confirmation of participation from two Northwestern Ontario First Nation communities, and I am currently in the process of confirming the interest and participation of a third community. 2) I will be contacting the participating First Nations to determine further contact information for traditional leadership within each community to ensure that I have their consent and approval for this research project. Once both the formal leadership and the traditional leadership have given me their approval we will set up times for the late summer that will work for me to come to their community, explain my IKC results at a series of community meetings, listen to the communities thoughts and ideas on a Northwestern Ontario IKC model, and ask them to fill out a survey form to document those thoughts and ideas. It is preferable for me to gather this information via community meetings, however, if I cannot gain enough input with this method, I could approach community members in public areas as a secondary approach. Proposed Methodology - Part D: Part D of the proposed methodology involves applying the findings from all areas of the research (proposed methodology parts a, b, and c) to develop a proposed IKC model for Northwestern Ontario First Nation communities. 2.3 Research as a First Stage of a Larger Project: 3.0 RESEARCH PARTICIPANTS: 3.1 Recruited Participants and Number of Participants: I would like to interview one person, preferably a director, at the Woodland Cultural Centre. For my interview with Ms. Jan Monture, I would presume that only she would be present during the interview. However, if she deems it appropriate to have more than one staff member present at the interview that number may be slightly higher. 3.2 Selection Criteria for Participants: I would prefer to interview the director of each IKC that I visit or a person of similar managerial knowledge. The participant(s) should know the policies, programs, staff and working knowledge of their cultural centre. If the director of the IKC deems it appropriate for other staff members to be present at the interview it is expected that those additional participants would have similar or additional knowledge of the cultural centre. 3.3 Recruitment of Participants: Indigenous Knowledge Centres and/or Cultural Centres were chosen and subsequently recruited for this study based on the very limited literature examining characteristics of successful IKC's. Using an article by Kreps, 2007, on the challenges experienced with initial IKCs in Queensland Australia, I developed a list of criteria for use in determining the success of an IKC. The characteristics subscribing to a successful IKC include; length of time the IKC has been active; diversity of cultural activities provided by the centre; extent to which the IKC has integrated itself into the communities cultural existence; degree to which the IKC has been able to nurture and protect the Indigenous Knowledge (1K) of the community; and the IKCs contribution to the socio-economic development of its community. After researching successful IKC's and Cultural Centres in Canada I created a list of major centres (as well as the additional of a small local cultural centre - Grey Wolf Traditional Teaching Lodge) which were not only successful but also offered different IKC models. For example, Grey Wolf Traditional Teaching Lodge is quite small and does not yet have a building to call home; the Dene Cultural Institute was a pioneer in documenting traditional knowledge and operates as a hub for much smaller centres in surrounding communities; while the Woodland Cultural Centre operates in an urban setting and offers not only a cultural centre but also a research library and a museum. Once a short list of potential IKC's was created I contacted the centres directors via email (or phone should they prefer) to explain my research project and ask for their permission to be interviewed. (Please see Appendix 3 — Initial Email to Woodland Cultural Centre). 3.4 Provision of Detailed Information About My Study to Potential Participants: Detailed information about my study is provided to potential participants via an introductory letter and emailed documents. These documents include both the questions they would be asked to respond to during an interview as well as a detailed 'Informed Participant Consent Form'. The 'Informed Participant Consent Form' lays out the rights of the research participants; an introduction of my research study; expectations of the participant; potential benefits of the research; potential risks associated with the research; confidentiality information for data collected; as well as contact information for myself and my supervisor should they have any questions. (Please see Appendix 2 - Indigenous Knowledge Centre Director Interview Questions, Appendix 3 — Initial Email to Woodland Cultural Centre, and Appendix 4 Informed Participant Consent Form) 3.5 Obtaining Consent from Volunteer Participants in My Research: In order to obtain consent from research participants I first contact IKC directors with a brief introductory letter (introducing myself a MES NECU student at Lakehead University in Thunder Bay and describing my research study) and attach copies of my Informed Participant Consent Form and a list of all of the questions they could be expected to answer should they agree to be interviewed. (Please see Appendix 2 — Indigenous Knowledge Centre Director Interview Questions, Appendix 3 — Recruitment Email, Appendix 4 - Informed Participant Consent Form and Appendix 5 — Consent to use Video and/or Digital Images in the Researchers Thesis and Presentations) If I then receive permission for an interview with the director of an IKC I contact them to set up an agreed upon time for an interview. At the time of the interview I go over the Informed Participant Consent Form with the participant to ensure that they are aware of their rights; informed of the purpose of my research; understand expectations of the participant; potential benefits of the research; potential risks associated with the research; confidentiality information for data collected; and finally, ensure that they have contact information for myself and my supervisor should they have any questions. 3.6 Participants Drawn from a Dependent Group: 3.7 Preservation of Participants' Confidentiality in During Collection, Analysis and Reports of Results: The research information gathered in this study will be used in the researchers' thesis and research presentations. The research findings will be kept confidential and only the researcher, Lisa Harris, and her supervisor, Dr. Robert Robson will have access to such information. Every reasonable effort will be made to assure the anonymity and confidentiality of all participants and they will not be identified in any reports or publications without their explicit permission. Only participants that agree to be identified within the thesis and presentations will be identified. To ensure that the research data is kept secure it will be stored in a secure location at Lakehead University, in Thunder Bay, Ontario during the research project and then for a minimum of seven years following the completion of the study. All electronic data will be password protected and information will not be stored online. When deemed appropriate the data will be destroyed in a way that ensures privacy and confidentiality. Participants in the research study will receive a copy of a report of the research findings for the use of their knowledge centre. We may use the data from this research study in future research, however, if we do it will be approved by a Research Ethics Board. The collected data will be reported in a summarized form. Express permission will be requested from the participant for direct quotations and the use of any information which may allow for identification of a participant in the thesis and/or research presentations. 3.8 Potential Risks to Participants: There is minimal risk associated with participation in the research study. Apart from the inconvenience of participation in the study and the possibility of a cultural faux pas on the part of the researcher, the extent of possible risk implied by participation in the research is expected to be no greater than that encountered by participants in those aspects of their everyday life that relate to the research. 3.9 Potential Safety Implication for Researcher: The extent of possible risk implied by the researchers' participation in research interview is expected to be no greater than that encountered by the researcher in her everyday life that relates to the research. 3.10 Benefit as a Result of Participation in Research: There is no payment as a result of participation in the research project; however, all participating IKC's and their directors will receive a copy of the researchers' findings (including the best practices of other participating IKC's) as well as a small gift or donation as a token of the researchers' appreciation for their participation. 4. RECORDING REPORTING STORAGE AND ACCESS TO THE RESEARCH DATA AND RESULTS: 4.1 Description of How the Research Data Will Be Recorded: Before a research interview begins, and after obtaining the written consent of the participant, the research participant's data will be audio recorded in a digital format and the researcher will also use written notes to ensure the best interpretation of the data collected. 4.2 Storage of Recorded Data: To ensure that the research data is kept secure it will be stored in a secure location at Lakehead University, in Thunder Bay, Ontario during the research project and then for a minimum of seven years following the completion of the study. All electronic data will be password protected and information will not be stored online. When deemed appropriate the data will be destroyed in a way that ensures privacy and confidentiality. 4.3 Access to the Research Data and Results: The research findings will be kept confidential and only the researcher, Lisa Harris, and her supervisor, Dr. Robert Robson, will have access to such information. Every reasonable effort will be made to assure the anonymity and confidentiality of all participants and they will not be identified in any reports or publications without their explicit permission. Only participants that agree to be identified within the thesis and presentations will be identified. 5. OWNERSHIP OF THE RESEARCH: 5.1 Ownership of the Data and Results of the Research: It is the objective of the researcher to collect only information about the management, operations, benefits, and best practices of Indigenous Knowledge Centres in her research interviews. Any Indigenous knowledge collected in the data, advertently or inadvertently, will remain the ownership of the Six Nations and the Woodland Cultural Centre. November 27, 2013 Lisa Harris University of Thunder Bay Studies Northern Environments and Cultures Program 163 Millar Heights Drive MURILLO, ON POT 2GO Dear Lisa: The Ethics Committee met on November 26, 2013 and reviewed your "Indigenous Knowledge Centres and the Transmission of Knowledge" application. This will confirm that full approval is hereby granted by the Six Nations Ethics Committee to conduct the research. The Committee looks forward to receiving a final report upon completion of your research and is requesting that you send two copies of your final report. All approved research projects are required to make a presentation on their research at the Six Nations Ethics Research Forum, which is held annually in May. Details regarding the Forum will be provided to you as they are finalized. The Committee reserves the right to request your attendance at upcoming meetings to provide written and/or verbal progress reports. Should this be a requirement, you will be provided notice in writing. Thank You Marilyn Mt.Pleasant Administrative Assistant Cc - file INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE CENTRE DIRECTOR INTERVIEW QUESTIONS Interview Location: IKC # 2013-_____ in _______________ Introduce Session: My name is Lisa Harris and today is __________________, 2013. I have just reviewed the cover letter and consent form with ___________________________ that he/she has signed. We're in the _______________________ building in _________________________ to do a research interview/survey on the community’s Indigenous Knowledge Centre (IKC). Researchers Initials: ______ PART ONE: LOGISTICS OF THE INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE CENTRE 1.0 How did the Indigenous Knowledge Centre get started? ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ 1.1 How long has the Indigenous Knowledge Centre (IKC) been open? ______________________________________________________________________________ 1.2 How long did the initial planning and building stage take? ______________________________________________________________________________ 1.3 Was a government IKC model used to develop this centre? If yes, how did the model benefit the community? ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ 1.4 Does the IKC have a specific or formal mandate? If yes, what is it? ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ 1.5 Is the centre open all year long? Or is it open seasonally? ______________________________________________________________________________ 1.6 Was the community able to access funding for the development and/or operations of the centre? ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ PART TWO: BENEFITS AND USE OF THE INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE CENTRE 2.0 How is the centre used by the members of the community? ▪ Programs ▪ Resources or ▪ The physical building ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ 2.1 In your opinion, what are the benefits associated with your IKC? ▪ Storage of Indigenous knowledge (IK)? ▪ Transmission of IK? ▪ Benefits to the community? ▪ Benefits to specific groups within the community? (Elders, youth, etc.,) ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ 2.2 What type of activities and events occur at the IKC? Are they all organized by the IKC? ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ 2.3 Are there specific groups within the community that use the centre more often than others? ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ 2.5 How do you believe that traditional knowledge is best passed from one generation to the next generation at an IKC? ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ 2.6 How important is language to the centre? ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ PART THREE: PROTECTION AND SECURITY OF THE INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE 3.0 What methods do you use to protect the knowledge of the community and keep it from being lost? ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ 3.1 How does the centre keep the Indigenous Knowledge of the community secure? ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________ P ART FOUR: WISE PRACTICES AND MOST SUCCESSFUL PROGRAMS USED BY THE CENTRE 4.0 What do you believe are the most popular or successful programs at the centre? How do these programs benefit members of the community? ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ 4.1 What do you believe are your wise practices at the centre? ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ ____ Sample: Informed Participant Consent Form Title: Indigenous Knowledge Centres and the Transmission of Knowledge Researcher: Lisa Harris, Masters Student in MES Northern Environments and Cultures, Lakehead University, Thunder Bay, Ontario Dear Potential Participant, You are invited to take part in a research project entitled “Indigenous Knowledge Centres and the Transmission of Knowledge”. As a participant in this research study your knowledge about your Knowledge centre and how it functions are valued and very much appreciated. This form is part of the process of informed consent. It should give you the basic idea of what the research is about and what your participation will involve. It also describes your right to withdraw from the study at any time. In order to decide whether you wish to participate in this research study, you should understand about its risks and benefits to be able a make an informed decision. This is the informed consent process. Take time to read this carefully and to understand the information give to you. Please contact the researcher, Lisa Harris at laharris@lakeheadu.ca if you have any questions about the study or for more information not included here before you consent. It is entirely up to you to decide whether to take part in this research. If you chose not to take part in this research or if you decide to withdraw from the research once it has started, there will be no negative consequences for you, now or in the future. Introduction: As part of my master’s thesis, I am conducting research under the supervision of Dr. Robert Robson, Professor in the Department of Indigenous Learning as well as an Adjunct Professor in the Department of History at Lakehead University in Thunder Bay, Ontario. The purpose of my research is to look at Indigenous Knowledge Centres both as a method of knowledge protection and as a means of knowledge transmission for the benefit of First Nation communities in Northwestern Ontario, Canada. Objectives of the Study: I have three objectives in my research study. My initial objective is to look at IKC’s in Australia and other parts of Canada in order to; (1) determine what benefits Indigenous Knowledge Centres (IKC’s) provide in the protection and transmission of Indigenous Knowledge and (2) establish a listing of the wise practices of successful IKC’s. My second objective is to bring all of the information gathered from established IKC’s, in the first part of my research, to First Nation communities in Northwestern Ontario so that they might determine if they would like to have an Indigenous Knowledge Centre in their own community and what IKC characteristics would best meet the needs of their community. What Is Expected if You Decide to Participate in This Study: As a participant in the Indigenous Knowledge Centre data collection portion of this research study you will be asked to ● spend approximately two hours with the researcher, Lisa Harris, in your knowledge centre, to explain the general workings of your facility; ● answer questions about the use and benefits of the centre in a short semi structured interview. ● if permission has been granted to do so, clarify to the researcher what areas of the facility may and may not be digitally photographed or video recorded for the purposes of teaching, presentations, and publications. You may also be asked to verify observations, digital images or collected data during the final stages of the thesis. The researcher would contact you via email or telephone within the next twelve months if verification is required. Benefits: It is hoped that the information gathered in this research study will enable us to ● better understand how Indigenous Knowledge Centres function in the protection of Indigenous Knowledge (IK) ● better understand how IKC’s aid in the transmission of IK from one generation to the next ● learn from the wise practices of successful and established IKC’s in Australia and Canada ● allow First Nation communities in Northwestern Ontario a base from which to develop their own Indigenous Knowledge Centre to better protect their knowledge and aid in the transmission of that knowledge ● develop a means of communication and sharing of information between IKC’s in Australia and Canada. All participating IKC’s and their directors will receive a copy of the researchers’ findings, including the wise practices of other participating IKC’s. Potential Risks: There is minimal risk associated with participation in the research study. Apart from the inconvenience of participation in the study and the possibility of a cultural faux pas on the part of the researcher, the extent of possible risk implied by participation in the research is expected to be no greater than that encountered by participants in those aspects of their everyday life that relate to the research. There may be risks to this study that are not known. If we learn anything during the research that may affect your willingness to continue being in the study, we will tell you right away. Voluntary Participation and Withdrawal From the Study: You are under no obligation to participate in this study. The participation is completely voluntary, and you are not under obligation to answer any specific questions in the interview even if participating in the study. If you agree to be a participant in the study you can change your mind and withdraw at any time If you decide to withdraw from the research study, we will continue to use the data that we have collected up until that time and there will be no negative consequences for you, now or in the future. Confidentiality and Storage of Data: The research information gathered will be used in my thesis and research presentations. The research findings will be kept confidential and only the researcher, Lisa Harris, and her supervisor, Dr. Robert Robson, will have access to such information. Every reasonable effort will be made to assure the anonymity and confidentiality of all participants and they will not be identified in any reports or publications without their explicit permission. Only participants that agree to be identified within the thesis and presentations will be identified. To ensure that the research data is kept secure it will be stored in a secure location at Lakehead University, in Thunder Bay, Ontario during the research project and then for a minimum of seven years following the completion of the study. All electronic data will be password protected and information will not be stored online. When deemed appropriate the data will be destroyed in a way that ensures privacy and confidentiality. Participants in the research study will receive a copy of a report of the research findings for the use of their knowledge centre. We may use the data from this research study in future research, however, if we do it will be approved by a Research Ethics Board. The collected data will be reported in a summarized form. Express permission will be requested from the participant for direct quotations and the use of any information which may allow for identification of a participant in the thesis and/or presentations. Questions: You are welcome to ask questions at any time during your participation in this research. If you would like more information about this study please contact the researcher, Lisa Harris at laharris@lakeheadu.ca or the researchers’ supervisor, Dr. Robert Robson at rrobson@lakeheadu.ca . The proposal for this research has been reviewed by the Interdisciplinary Committee on Ethics in Human Research and found to be in compliance with Lakehead University’s ethics policy. If you have any ethical concerns about the research (such as the way that you have been treated or your rights as a participant), you may contact the Lakehead University Director of Research Services Anne Klymenko at Lakehead University, Office of Research Services, 1294 Balmoral Street, Thunder Bay, Ontario, at 807-343-8934 Ext. 8223, or at Anne.Klymenko@lakeheadu.ca . Your signature on this form indicates that you: ● Have read the information about the research. ● Have been able to ask questions about this study. ● Are satisfied with the answers to all of your questions. ● Understand what the study is about and what you will be doing. ● Understand that you are free to withdraw from the study at any time, without having to give a reason, and that doing so will not affect you now or in the future. ● Understand that any data collected form you up to the point of your withdrawal will be retained by the researcher for use in the research study. If you sign this form, you do not give up your legal rights and do not release the researchers from their professional responsibilities. Participant’s Signature: I have read and understand what this study is about and appreciate the risks and benefits. I have had adequate time to think about this and had the opportunity to ask questions and my questions have been answered. □ I agree to participate in the research project understanding the risks and contributions of my participation. □ I agree that my participation is voluntary, and that I may end my participation at any time. □ I agree to be audio-recorded during the interview. □ I do not agree to be audio-recorded during the interview. □ I agree to the use of quotations and the identification of my name in the thesis and presentations. □ I agree to the use of quotations but do not want my name to be identified in the thesis and presentations. □ I do not agree to the use of quotations. A copy of this Informed Consent Form has been given to me for my records. _______________________________________ ________________________________ Signature of Participant Date Researcher’s Signature: I have explained this study to the best of my ability. I invited questions and gave answers. I believe that the participant fully understands what is involved in being in the study, any potential risks of the study and that he or she has freely chosen to be in the study. ______________________________________ ________________________________ Signature of Researcher Date APPENDIX C Research Findings: ● Table: Summary of Themes Identified Within the Research Data TABLE: SUMMARY OF THEMES IDENTIFIED WITHIN THE RESEARCH DATA Number of Interview Question: Participant Responses Participants with Similar or Same Response Part 1: Logistics of the Indigenous Knowledge Centre 1.1 How did the IKC get Identified need for the research, 3 started? documentation, and application of traditional teachings Created in response to government/political 2 policy Identified need for a safe keeping place for IK 2 Spiritual guidance 1 1.2 How long has the IKC 8 years, 29 years, 43 years, and 13 years n/a been open? (Average of 23.25 years) 1.3 How long did the 2 years, 1 to 2 years, 1 to 2 years, 3 to 4 years n/a planning and initial building (Average of 2.125 years) stage take? 1.4 Was a government 1 yes and 3 no model used to develop this Benefits identified by using a government 1 centre? If yes, how did the model include conventional library services, a model benefit the large range of training and informal learning community? activities (computer and internet usage, arts and crafts), early childhood and adult literacy programs 1.5 Does the IKC have a Yes 4 specific or formal mandate? Mandates include commitment to their If yes, what is it? respective communities (4), to serve as a cultural resource centre (promotion, preservation, transmission and protection of the IK of the community) (3) , promotion of Indigenous language (3), and permission to share IK with non-Aboriginal and Aboriginal alike (1) . 1.6 Is the centre open all All year long 4 year long? Or is it open seasonally? 1.7 Was the community Provincial/Territorial/State funding programs 4 able to access funding for (Ontario Ministry of Aboriginal Affairs; Education, Culture and Employment - the development and/or Northwest Territories; Queensland State operations of the centre? Library; Queensland Health; Queensland Arts) 3 Arts Councils (Canadian Council for the Arts; 2 Ontario Arts Council) Federal funding programs (Indian and Northern 2 Affairs Canada) Other funding programs (Ontario Trillium Foundation; First Nation Confederacy of Cultural Education Centres) Part 2: Benefits and Use of the Indigenous Knowledge Centre 2.1 How is the centre used School and teachers’ resource 4 by members of the A place to ask questions and seek guidance 3 community? Central location to keep language, culture, and 3 traditional knowledge Workshops pertaining to traditional 3 knowledge, culture, and language 3 Community meetings 3 Art shows and performances 2 Ceremonies and support services 2 Partnerships with other agencies 1 Computer and internet access for community 1 Book lending library 1 Audio/visual lending library 2.2 In your opinion what are Allowed us to rediscover our own cultural 4 the benefits associated with heritage 4 your IKC? Creates a better understanding of our culture 4 Allows for a focus on community healing 3 Allows of the knowledge of Elders to be 3 documented 3 It has influenced how we look at ourselves Allowed for language immersion programs and 2 community language initiatives Allows for a communal space where there often 2 isn’t one Provides a variety of tools for community members that allow them to participate in the modern world (computers, internet access, fax machines, photocopiers) 2.3 What types of activities Cultural awareness workshops and 3 and events occur at the IKC? programming 3 Are they all organized by Indigenous language programming 3 the IKC? Art shows and sales 2 Children’s cultural programming 2 Spiritual ceremonies 1 Literacy programs/Computer training 2.4 Are there specific Schools and teachers 4 groups within the Teenagers 3 community that use the Elders/Residential School Survivors 3 centre more often than Young children 2 others? Young men 2 Artists 2 Non-Aboriginal peoples 1 2.5 How do you believe that Intergenerational learning is the best way to traditional knowledge is pass IK with Elders/Cultural custodians and 2 best passed from one Indigenous community youth – where youth generation to the next are physically, verbally, and visually learning 1 generation at an IKC? Best taught with the use of technology as youth are already plugged in and are typically visual 1 learners Doesn’t matter how it gets done, its just crucial that it gets done 2.6 How important is Language is incredibly important; you can’t 3 language to the centre? have culture without language; there’s a deep sense of pride in taking one’s language back 1 It doesn’t matter what language you speak; if you don’t know the language there’s a sense of shame involved Part 3: Protection and Security of the Indigenous Knowledge 3.1 What methods do you Interviewing Elders is essential to documenting 3 use to protect the TK with priority given to the overarching knowledge of the premise of who we are 3 community and keep it Traditional knowledge is indexed and from being lost? amalgamated for safe keeping and easy access 2 Use of museum software along with hard copies for community use 1 Community museum used to keep sacred, 1 historical, and important cultural items Creation of a language dictionary for community use accompanied by audio cd 3.2 How does the centre Protection and custodianship of ones own IK is 3 keep the IK of the essential – the community needs to have power community secure? and control of it 3 Access should be limited according to cultural 3 protocol and community permission Digitization of the data is important – it can be transcribed into different languages, multiple 1 copies can be stored in more than one location, cataloguing to ensure its easily retrieved Cultural protocol needs to be followed while gathering IK to ensure that the data collected reads as the Elder intends Part 4: Best Practices and Most Successful Programs Used by the IKC? 4.1 What do you believe are Successful Programming: the most popular or Involving children/youth in creating, writing, 2 successful programs at the illustrating, and publishing traditional and centre? How do these conventional stories/books/e-books for their programs benefit members communities and schools 2 of the community? Digital applications which promote Indigenous language 1 Programming that takes youth out onto the 1 landscape and to culturally significant areas to learn language, stories, legends, and 4 traditional knowledge Sharing circles and healing lodges 3 Benefits to Community: Learning of traditional stories and traditional 3 knowledge 1 Youth are more directly involved in their own cultural history; can also showcase the way that they live now for future generations Learning of the Indigenous language Literacy skills 4.2 What do you think are Embracing our own language, culture, and 3 your best practices at the communities’ self identity centre? Language programming and initiatives 3 On the land teaching traditional knowledge, 1 language, and culture 1 Involving Elders in all aspect of the centre including governance and consultation 1 Community resource library/community 1 museum 1 Sharing knowledge with others Outreach program and the ability to contribute to round tables TABLE 5.2: Coding Analysis of Research Data: Interview Question Codes/Themes Identified Within Data Part 1: Logistics of the IKC? 1.1 How did the IKC get started? ● Response to cultural deficit ● Indigenous research ● Reclaiming Indigenous knowledge, culture & language ● Documentation and Protection of Indigenous knowledge, culture & language ● Indigenous Education 1.2 How long has the IKC been open? 8 years, 29 years, 43 years, & 13 years (average of 23.25 years) 1.3 How long did the initial planning and 2 years, 1 to 2 years, 1 to 2 years, 3 to 4 years building stage take? (average of 2.125 years) 1.4 Was a government model used to 3 no’s’, 1 yes develop this centre? If yeas how did the Benefits: model benefit the community? ● Community Services ● Literacy Programs 1.5 Does the IKC have a specific or formal Yes mandate? If yes, what is it? ● Documentation and Protection of Indigenous knowledge, culture & language ● Promotion of Indigenous knowledge, culture & language ● Cultural museum/Cultural resource repository 1.6 Is the centre open all year long? Or is it All year long open seasonally? 1.7 Was the community able to access ● Provincial/Territory/State funding for the development and/or Government funding programs operations of the centre? ● Arts Councils ● Federal government funding programs ● Other Funding programs ● Rental income Part 2: Benefits and Use of the Indigenous Knowledge Centre 2.1 How is the centre used by members of ● Cultural healing/Ceremony the community ● Indigenous Education ● Indigenous language programming ● Promotion of Indigenous knowledge, culture & language ● Cultural museum/Cultural resource repository ● Indigenous Art Shows, Sales and Programming ● Communal space ● Community services ● Outside Agency programs 2.2 In your opinion what are the benefits ● Cultural healing/Ceremony associated with your IKC? ● Communal Space ● Indigenous Education ● Documentation and Protection of Indigenous knowledge, culture & language ● Indigenous language programming ● Cultural Pride ● Community Services/Tools 2.3 What types of activities and events occur ● Indigenous knowledge, culture & at the IKC? Are they all organized by the IKC? language workshops ● Cultural healing/ceremony ● Indigenous Art Shows, Sales & Programming ● Indigenous Education ● Community meetings Participant D has programs developed for them. 2.4 Are there specific groups within the ● Elders community that use the centre more often ● Youth and young children than others? ● Young men ● Artists ● Schools/Teachers 2.5 How do you believe that traditional ● Traditionally learned/Hands on knowledge is best passed from one ● Through Use of Technology generation to the next generation at an IKC? ● Intergenerational learning 2.6 How important is language to the centre? 3 Language is important 1 Language not important Part 3: Protection and Security of the Indigenous Knowledge 3.1 What methods do you use to protect the ● Documentation of Elders (traditional knowledge of the community and keep it knowledge, culture & language) from being lost? ● Transcription of interviews ● Language dictionary ● Cultural museum/Cultural resource repository ● Technology & Software for documented knowledge, culture & language ● Sharing of Indigenous cultural traditions 3.2 How does the centre keep the IK of the ● Custodian ownership & Cultural community secure? protocol ● Multiple copies of data & multiple sites ● Protection software/Use of technology Part 4: Best Practices and Most Successful Programs Used by the IKC 4.1 What do you believe are the most Programs popular or successful programs at the ● Cultural healing/Ceremony centre? How do these programs benefit ● Cultural programming on the land members of the community? ● Digital applications for culture & language ● Writing/Publication of cultural stories by Indigenous youth ● Indigenous language programming ● Cultural museum Benefits ● Language learning/literacy ● Cultural Pride ● Youth directly involved in reclamation of knowledge, culture, and language 4.2 What do you think are your best practices ● Cultural programming on the land at the centre? ● Elders involved in all aspects of centre management ● Indigenous language programming ● Cultural museum/Cultural resource repository ● Indigenous Arts, Sales, and Programming ● Community services ● Sharing of Indigenous Cultural Traditions APPENDIX D TCPS Certificate PANEL ON R ESEARCH ETHICS TCPS 2: CORE 2022 Navigating the ethics of human research Certificate of Completion This document certifies that Lisa Har r is successfully completed the Course on Research Ethics based on the Tri-Council Policy Statement: Ethical Conduct for Research Involving Humans (TCPS 2: CORE 2022) Certificate # 0000017266 5 October, 2 011