Slate Falls: Through Memory and Material 
Hudson Kunicky, B.Sc. 
 
A thesis submitted for the fulfilment of a Masters Degree 
 in Northern Environment and Culture 
Lakehead University  
2021  
 1
PERMISSION TO USE 
 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a Masters of 
Environmental Studies in Northern Environments and Cultures degree from Lakehead 
University, I agree that copies of this thesis shall be deposited in the Institute Library 
and the department of Anthropology to be freely available for public use. I further agree 
that permission for copying of this thesis in any manner, in whole or in part, for scholarly 
purposes may be granted by my supervisor Dr. Scott Hamilton, Dr Frederico Oliveira, 
the Graduate Coordinator Dr. Martha Dowsley, or in their absence, by the chair of the 
Department of Anthropology or the Dean of the Faculty of Science and Environmental 
Studies. It is understood that any copying or publication of this thesis, or parts thereof 
for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Also it is 
understood that due recognition will be given to me and Lakehead University in any 
scholarly use which may be made of any material in this thesis. 
 2
Abstract  
This research addresses the last 100 to 150 years of Slate Falls First Nations’ 
history through the archaeological and ethnographic study of the Old Slate Falls Village. 
The village site is located on North Bamaji Lake (Ontario) in the headwaters of the 
Albany River. Many of the former residents of Old Slate Falls are still living and can 
recollect their days spent in the old village, this allows the archaeological investigation 
to be informed by the oral histories of former village residents. The project reported 
herein assists the community members of Slate Falls to preserve and celebrate their 
history in this location. It is through knowing one’s past, connections to the land, 
understanding space and place, and the ability to trace history and lineage, that self-
determination can be asserted. Archaeological documentation of the cabins and 
structures in Old Slate Falls offers an overview of the transformation of construction 
techniques, village layout, and material culture over time in response to rapid changes 
defining the 20th Century. This data offers supplemental information which will be 
compared to insights deriving from interviews and reminiscences about life within the 
village through living memory. 
 3
Acknowledgements 
           
I would like to begin by thanking the people of Slate Falls for bringing me into 
their homes, introducing me to their traditional lands, and sharing their rich histories. I 
would also like to thank our guide to the area James Masakeyash, and the three 
generations of the Carpenter lineage I had the pleasure of interviewing; Sam Carpenter, 
Elsie Sakakeesic, and Delford Mitchell. 
This project could not have been completed without the hard work of the students of 
Lakehead University, and the untiring work of its passionate employees; Scott Hamilton, 
Clarence Surrette, Frederico Oliveira, and Martha Dowsley. As always I am deeply 
appreciative of the guidance and support from my family and friends, thank you for all of 
your kind words, help, and criticism. Other honourable mentions include: Zebedee 
Kawei, Gavin Shields, Ryan Dresher, and The MUSE in Kenora for generously 
providing reference materials and images for this work.  
I’d also like to thank Mother Nature for not raining; the low water table enabled improved 
surface exposure, revealing scatters of artifacts along the newly exposed shorelines. 
 4
Table of Contents 
Slate Falls: Through Memory and Material 1 
Abstract 3 
Acknowledgements 4 
Table of Contents 5 
List of Tables 7 
List of Figures 7 
List of Appendices 10 
List of Plates 10 
Glossary of Terms 12 
CH.1 Introduction 15 
1.1 Purpose of Investigation 17 
1.2 Background 18 
1.3 Ethnographic Accounts 21 
CH.2 The Land and the People 24 
Introduction 24 
2.1 Ecology 24 
2.2 Pre-contact Cultural History 27 
2.3 Post-contact - Modern Cultural Changes 31 
2.4 Abbreviated Timeline 51 
CH.3 Methodology 54 
3.1 Old Slate Falls Historic Structures and Features 55 
3.2 Site EgJv-5 - Sam’s Cabin 58 
3.3 Site EgJv-6 - Bonecrush 59 
3.4 Site EgJv-7 - Mckenzie Beach, EgJv-8 - Emily’s Site, Egjv-10 - Adz 60 
3.5 Site Ejgv-9 - Pepsi & Flipflop 60 
3.6 Lab Processing and Analysis 60 
5 
CH.4 Oral Histories of Slate Falls 63 
4.1 Origins of Slate Falls 63 
4.2 The Early Years  67 
4.3 Modern Times 77 
CH.5 Archaeological Results 86 
5.1 Previous Archaeological Work In EgJv (The Greater Bamaji Area) 86 
5.2 Archaeological Sites of 2017 - 2018 87 
5.3 EgJv-5 , Sams Cabin 87 
5.4. EgJv-6, Bonecrush. 110 
5.5 EgJv-7, Mackenzies Beach. 119 
5.6. Site EgJv - 9 - Pepsi & Flipflop 123 
5.7. Site EgJv - 10 - Adz 128 
5.8. Various Cabins and Features 132 
CH.6 Cabins and Features Results 134 
6.1. Area I Slate Falls 136 
6.2. Area II Slate Falls 142 
6.3. Area III Slate Falls 152 
6.4. Area IV Slate Falls 159 
6.5. Cabin Outliers 164 
6.6. Unique Cultural Features 170 
CH.7 Discussion 178 
7.1 Site Interpretations 179 
7.2 Site Interpretations 186 
7.3 Ethnography vs Archaeology  189 
Conclusion: 210 
Recommendations 219 
Bibliography 221 
Appendixes 229 
6 
List of Tables 
Table 5.1. EgJv-5, Faunal Recoveries. 98 
Table 5.2. EgJv-5 MNI Table. 98 
Table 5.3. EgJv-5 Lithics 98 
Table 5.4. Window Glass  101 
Table 5.5. Ferric Containers EgJv-5 106 
Table 5.6. EgJv-6 Lithic Materials 114 114 
Table 5.7. EgJv-6 MNI-1 115 115 
Table 5.8. EgJv-7 Artifacts Recoveries 121  121 
Table 5.9. EgJv-8 Artifacts 126 
Table 5.10. EgJv-9 Artifacts 130 
Table C.1. Recovered Containers EgJv- 5 243 
Table E.1. Types of Cans Found in Cabin 7 Midden 282 
List of Figures  
Figure 1.1. Overview map of referenced geographical features. 18 
Figure 1.2. The Greater Lake St. Joseph area. 20 
Figure 1.3. Bamaji Lake area. 20 
Figure 2.1. View of Slate Falls from Lake Bamaji. 25 
Figure 2.2. Birch forests in Slate Falls. 26 
Figure 2.3. Outline of the Laurentide Icesheet 11 KYA. 29 
Figure 2.4. Outline of the Laurentide Icesheet 7.8 KYA. 29 
Figure 2.5. Fort Albany between 1924-1926. 33 
Figure 2.6. View of Osnaburgh House (Ontario). 33 
Figure 2.7. Ojibwe woman drying fish. 38 
Figure 2.8. Treaty No.9 feast at Osnaburgh House 1905. 39 
Figure 2.9. Man and boy in front of wigwam. 42 
Figure 2.10. Parching wild rice. 43 
Figure 2.11. Anishinaabeg man and boy gather wild rice in birch bark canoe. 45 
Figure 2.12. Air traffic and docks at Old Slate Falls.  46 
Figure 3.1. Slate Falls overview map. 52 
Figure 3.2. General sitemap of Slate Falls. 52 
Figure 3.3. Approximate location of recorded cabins. 57 
Figure 3.4. Approximate area surveyed during 2017 and 2018. 57 
Figure 4.1. Young family members prepare for a meal, Slate Falls. 71 
Figure 4.2. Slate Falls, couple early-mid 1900’s. 73 
Figure 4.3. Sam Carpenter with his family. 76 
Figure 4.4. Elsie, Johnny, and Irene, fillet Walleye. 78 
Figure 5.1. Sam’s hand drawn map, 88 
Figure 5.2. Discovered archaeological sites in Slate Falls 89 
7 
Figure 5.3. Location of Sams Cabin/EgJv-5. 90 
Figure 5.4. Sams Cabin/EgJv-5 site overview. 91 
Figure 5.5. Multiple bone beamers, recovered from XU 510N 498E. 94 
Figure 5.6. Excavation Unit 510N-498E. 93 
Figure 5.7. Moose maxilla recovered from S.S 396N 395E. 95 
Figure 5.8. Bone showing evidence of axe butcher marks. 97 
Figure 5.9. Caribou bone tool, hide scraper. 97 
Figure 5.11. EgJv-5 Percentage of lithics by weight. 100 
Figure 5.12. EgJv-5 Percentage of lithics by number. 100 
Figure 5.13. Hand-forged tacks. 101 
Figure 5.14. Map of metallic recoveries from probing of Sam’s cabin. 102 
Figure 5.15. Diagram of handmade wood-stove.  106 
Figure 5.16. Bone-knife made sharpening a rib with a steel file. 107 
Figure 5.17. View of Bonecrush by boat. 110 
Figure 5.18. position of EgJv-06 with site map insert. 111 
Figure 5.19. Sketch map of EgJv-6. 111 
Figure 5.20. Section of possible mortar stone fragment. 114 
Figure 5.21. Shale Chitto. 114 
Figure 5.22. Faunal Material by frequency  116 
Figure 5.23. Railway workers coverall button 117 
Figure 5.24. Artifact material by frequency 118 
Figure 5.25. Site placement of Mackezies beach. 119 
Figure 5.26. Site map of EgJv-7, surface find locations. 120 
Figure 5.27. Recovered artifacts EgJv-7. 120 
Figure 5.28. Drone imagery of Mackezies beach, 2017. 122 
Figure 5.29. Site placement of Emily’s Site. 123 
Figure 5.30. Site map of Emily’s Site showing surface find locations. 124 
Figure 5.31. Two flintknapped bottle bases. 125 
Figure 5.32. Recoveries from Emily’s Site 2017. 126 
Figure 5.33. View North from Emily’s Site. 127 
Figure 5.34. Site placement of Pepsi & Flipflop site. 128 
Figure 5.35. Site map for EgJv-9. 129 
Figure 5.36. Possible grinding stone. 130 
Figure 5.37. Laurel rim-sherd. 131 
Figure 5.38. Location of isolated find EgJv-10. 132 
Figure 6.1. The separate areas of Old Slate Falls. 135 
Figure 6.2. Sam Carpenters hand drawn map. 135 
Figure 6.3. Area I overview as taken by aerial imagery. 136 
Figure 6.4. Sams Cabin overview as taken by aerial imagery. 137 
Figure 6.5. Sams Cabin photographed by hand. 137 
Figure 6.6. Sams Cabin overview as taken by drone. 138 
Figure 6.7. Topographic model of Sams Cabin taken by drone. 139 
Figure 6.8. Cabin 2 overview as taken by aerial imagery. 140 
 8
Figure 6.9. Drone imagery of Cabin 2. 141 
Figure 6.10. Clarence inspects the berms of Cabin 2. 141 
Figure 6.11. Overview sketch map map of Cabin 2. 142 
Figure 6.12. Topographic model of Cabin 2 using drone imagery. 143 
Figure 6.13. Area lI overview as taken by aerial imagery 1986. 144 
Figure 6.14. Cabin 4 overview as taken by aerial imagery. 145 
Figure 6.15. Model of Cabin 4 using DSLR imagery facing east. 146 
Figure 6.16. Model of Cabin 4 using DSLR imagery facing east. 146 
Figure 6.17. Model of Cabin 4 using DSLR imagery facing north. 147 
Figure 6.18. Model of Cabin 4 using DSLR imagery from above. 147 
Figure 6.19. Cabin 7 overview as taken by aerial imagery. 148 
Figure 6.20. Drone imagery of Cabin 7 area. 149 
Figure 6.21. Drone imagery Cabin 7 facing east. 148 
Figure 6.22. Drone imagery Cabin 7 from above. 148 
Figure 6.23. Hand mapped artifacts of Cabin 7 area. 151 
Figure 6.24. Area III overview as taken by aerial imagery. 152 
Figure 6.25. Aerial view of the Mckenzie cabins taken by drone. 155 
Figure 6.26. Aerial view of Area 3 facing west. 155 
Figure 6.27. Aerial view of Area 3 from above taken by drone. 156 
Figure 6.28. Aerial view of Area 3 from above taken by drone. 156 
Figure 6.29. View from inside cabin in Area III. 157 
Figure 6.30. View from inside cabin in Area III. 157 
Figure 6.31. Electric wiring in cabin in Area III. 158 
Figure 6.32. Cabin in Area III, (belonging to Sam Carpenter). 158 
Figure 6.34. Aerial imagery of the provincial school. 159 
Figure 6.34. Overview taken by drone of the residences and school. 160 
Figure 6.35. School Teachers Residence as viewed from exterior.  161 
Figure 6.36. School Teachers Residence as viewed from interior.  161 
Figure 6.37. The New School as viewed from exterior. 162 
Figure 6.38. The New School south facing wall. 163 
Figure 6.39. Interior of The New School. 163 
Figure 6.40. Cabin 3 location aerial photo. 164 
Figure 6.41. Cabin 3 facing south. 165 
Figure 6.42. Model of Cabin 3. 166 
Figure 6.43. Photograph of Cabin 3 facing northwest. 166 
Figure 6.44. Cabin 9 location. 167 
Figure 6.45. Cabin 10, pile of insulation. 168 
Figure 6.46. Cabin 10, wooden beams “runners” for tent platform. 168 
Figure 6.47. Cabin 11, frame of walled tent, nearby to Cabin 9 and 10. 169 
Figure 6.48. Bow of flat backed canoe. 170 
Figure 6.49. Slate Falls portage route as determined by archaeological evidence. 173 
Figure 6.50. A large stone slab seat. 174 
Figure 6.51. Interior of Ice House. 176 
 9
Figure 6.52. Handmade Mukluk from the Ice house. 176 
Figure 6.53. Large can dump with multiple artifacts. 177 
Figure 7.1. Date range of recovered artifacts from Slate Falls. 201 
Figure 7.2. Base of bullet with blackpowder specking. 202 
Figure 7.3. Scott inspects a modified tree. 204 
Figure 8.1. Four photographs provided from the Slate Falls community. 217 
List of Appendices 
Appendix A. Expanded Post-contact timeline from literary sources 229 
Appendix B. Additional archival materials 237 
Appendix C. Additional materials; Sites EgJv-5 to EgJv-10. 243 
Appendix D. Additional materials relevant to Slate Falls. 260 
Appendix E. Additional information In the documentation of Slate Falls. 262 
List of Plates  
  
Plate B.1. Anishinaabeg man smokes hide. 237 
Plate B.2. Anishinaabeg woman uses bone beamer. 238 
Plate B.3. Whipsawing lumber, David Wrights' Trade Post. 238 
Plate B.4. Anishinaabeg couple mending fish net. 239 
Plate B.5. Anishinaabeg woman with children stripping spruce roots for cordage. 239 
Plate B.6. Anishinaabeg woman making birch canoe. 240 
Plate B.7. Woman in front of birch bark wigwam near Fort Albany 240 
Plate B.8. Anishinaabeg woman flesh’s hide. 241 
Plate B.9. Float plane docked at Osnaburgh House Ontario 241 
Plate B.10. Anishinaabeg man and woman build canoe. 242 
Plate C.1. Excavation floor plan of EgJv-5 Unit 510N 498E. 244 
Plate C.2. Excavation of EgJv-5 Unit 510N 498E. 245 
Plate C.3. Soil profile taken at Sams Cabin, E.U. 510N 498E. 246 
Plate C.4. Soil profile taken at Sams Cabin test-pit 503N 497E. 246 
Plate C.5. Wall profile of excavation 505N 494E. 247 
Plate C.6. Modified containers, Sams Cabin. 248 
Plate C.7. Collapsable sheet metal stove found in Sams Cabin. 248 
Plate C.8. Surface stripping 496N495E artifacts. 249 
Plate C.9. Assortment of lithic artifacts, Sams Cabin 250 
Plate C.10. Hand made items found in Sams Cabin 250 
Plate C.11. EgJv-6 facing east. 251 
Plate C.12. Soil profile taken at EgJv-6, Test pit HKM7. 251 
 10
Plate C.13. Modified bone EgJv-6. 252 
Plate C.14. Assortment of charred bone seen from the test pits of EgJv-6. 252 
Plate C.15. Features from a section of possible ground stone tool. 253 
Plate C.16. Metallic artifacts, EgJv-6. 254 
Plate C.17. Artifacts from EgJv-7. 255 
Plate C.18. Artifacts from EgJv-8.  256 
Plate C.20. Alternative view of bottle scraper, EgJv-7. 257 
Plate C.20. Alternative view of bottle cutting tool, EgJv-7. 257 
Plate C.21. Depiction of the soil profile in Trench CSZK01. 258 
Plate C.22. Sample of bone fragments EgJv-9. 258 
Plate C.23. Artifacts from EgJv-9. 259 
Plate D.1. Artifacts from Slate Falls. 260 
Plate D.2. Large wire spike driven through moose scapula. 260 
Plate D.3. Axes before and after electrolysis. 261 
Plate D.4. Additional axes found in the Slate Falls area. 261 
Plate E.1. Cabin Map Part 1. 262 
Plate E.2. Cabin Map Part 2. 262 
Plate E.3. Cabin Map Part 3. 263 
Plate E.4. Mission House Area, aerial photograph. 264 
Plate E.5. Mission House location. 265 
Plate E.6. Mission House area via drone. 266 
Plate E.7. Red highlighted circle indicated the Old Church (Old Schoolhouse). 267 
Plate E.8. Ice House location. 268 
Plate E.9. Winter night at the Mission House and Old School House. 269 
Plate E.10. Old Schoolhouse facing south.  270 
Plate E.11. Old Schoolhouse facing north.  270 
Plate E.12. Artifacts found in association with Cabin 2. 271 
Plate E.13. Cabin 3, 3D model, wide angle lens. 272 
Plate E.14. Cabin 3, 3D model without texture applied, using DSLR photographs. 272 
Plate E.15. Cabin 3, 3D using cloud points, via DSLR photographs. 273 
Plate E.16. Cabin 3, 3D Full version texture applied, via DSLR photographs. 273 
Plate E.17. Cabin 3, sketch. 274 
Plate E.18. Cabin 3, photographed by drone. 274 
Plate E.19. Cabin 5 location. 275 
Plate E.20. A book of Psalms and Hymns written in Cree Syllabics. 275 
Plate E.21. View of Cabin 5 facing South. 276 
Plate E.22. View of Cabin 5 facing East. 276 
Plate E.23. Location of Cabin 6. 277 
Plate E.24. View of Cabin 6. 278 
Plate E.24. Sketch map of Cabin 6. 279 
Plate E.26. Key 1 of 3, Cabin 7 map. 280 
Plate E.27. Key 2 of 3, Cabin 7 map. 281 
 11
Glossary of Terms  
Note to the reader: In the following pages the names: Ojibwe, Ojibwa, Anishinaabeg, 
and Chippewa will be used to describe the peoples under the Algonquin Language 
Family ranging from Northeast Ontario to the Dakotas, and from Fort Severn Northern 
Ontario to the Midwest United States. 
● Adz: Type of tool for wood working similar to an axe. 
● Archaic: Period of time indicated by tool assemblages dating 7000 YBP to 2000 
YBP. 
● Bamaji Lake: A large lake forming a small section of the Cat River system, Slate 
Falls Village lies upon the shores of the lake. 
● Biface: Stone tool on which both sides of the tool have been worked. 
● Bone beamer: Bone tool formed by splitting ungulate leg bones; used to remove 
hair and to clean hides or skins. 
● Chitto: Type of stone tool used for cutting and chopping. 
● Core: The centre of a section of material which was utilized when flintknapping.  
● Crenelation: Used to describe cracks produced by heating and cooling stone 
typically granite (A castle top is crenelated). 
● Cryoturbation: The process which occurs when freeze-thaw cycles mix soil. 
● Culturally modified trees (CMT): Trees altered by humans, usually in the form of 
bark stripping, markings, kindling harvest or Pre-contact logging practises. 
● Debitage: Discarded flakes of stone formed during the process of flintknapping. 
● Dentate: Type of stamping used most commonly on Middle Woodland pottery. 
● Dendrochronology: Dating method utilizing growth patterns seen in tree rings. 
● Early, Middle, and Late Woodland: Periods used to denote certain timeframe in 
North America based on burial practises, pottery production, trade goods and tool 
assemblages. 
● Ethnohistory: History which has been orally communicated.  
● Expedient tools: Rapidly made tools, ex. a rock being used as a hammer. 
● Expend core: Core which has been used to its completion. 
 12
● In situ: Term used in archaeology indicating that an artifact was excavated from 
soil, indicating knowledge of the object’s secure depositional context. 
● Fire cracked rock (FCR): Evidence of fire alternation seen on rocks though 
specific cracking patterns (crenelation), colour change, and fire spalls. 
● Flintknapped: Technique which modifies and fractures stone or Silica-rich material 
through pressure or percussion. 
● INAC: Indian Northern Affairs Canada. 
● Laurel: Cultural component linked to a pottery type dating 2,000-1,200 YBP and 
associated with the Middle Woodland Period. 
● The Little North: Fur-trade era term which describes the area of Canada’s 
Northern Boreal forest now generally viewed as eastern Manitoba and 
Northwestern Ontario. 
● Mishkeegogamang: The Ojibway people of Lake St. Joseph. 
● Old Slate Falls: Referring to the abandoned Village existing on the north side of 
Bamaji Lake. 
● Paleosol: Buried weathered soil, usually seen as a dark lens in a soil profile. 
● Paleo: Period of time indicated by tool assemblages, dating 13000 YBP to 7000 
YBP. 
● Rupert's Land: A massive track of land held under the deed of the Hudson’s Bay 
Trading Company, which included all lands draining into Hudson and James Bay. 
now; Northern and Western Canada. 
● Seriation: Term used to describe the process of change through time of a 
technology.  
● Sheet middens: Garbage disposal seen in large patterns forming sheets of 
garbage as opposed to piles. 
● Slate Falls: The community after relocation to south shore of North Bamaji Lake 
in the late 1980’s. 
● Taconite: Type of silica rich stone deriving from the Gunflint Formation. 
● Uniface: Stone tool which only one side has been worked. 
 13
An-ish-aw: without cause, or spontaneous 
In-aub-a-we-se: the human body 
Anishinaubag: Spontaneous man  
- William Warren, 2009 
 14
CH.1 Introduction 
 This thesis integrates written and oral history with archaeological insight to 
explore the recent history of Slate Falls First Nation. Slate Falls is an Ojibwe village 
along Lake Bamaji, 120 km north of Sioux Lookout Ontario (Figure 1.1). Up until the mid 
1980s, the community was located on the north shore of the lake, but upon gaining 
formal reserve status, they moved to a new village site nearby where community 
infrastructure could be more readily developed. Prior to 1985 Slate Falls was officially 
considered to be part of the Mishkeegogamang First Nation, located 95 km to the east. 
While the two communities share many family relationships, Slate Falls has always 
viewed itself to be autonomous. Residents of modern Slate Falls First Nation strongly 
identify with their former home at the Old Slate Falls Village. Throughout this thesis, 
reference to Old Slate Falls is made to temporally and spatially differentiate it from the 
modern community of Slate Falls. Old Slate Falls lies within sight of the new southern 
community, a short distance across Lake Bamaji. Residents of Slate Falls share fond 
memories from the old site, telling stories highlighting how life has changed from that of 
the recent past. In order to document the cultural importance of the old village and the 
lifestyle its residents, an ethnographic and archaeological study was undertaken. This 
thesis summarizes some of the archaeological insight and ties it to the written and 
verbal history of Slate Falls. 
 In August of 2017, a brief archaeological survey of the Old Slate Falls Village 
identified 6 archaeological sites and 18 historic structures. In 2018, a field school was 
conducted in the village which assisted to locate and document more structures and 
conduct selective subsurface investigations of historic foundations at specific cabin 
localities. A hand-sketched map by Sam Carpenter (Figure 5.1) was used to locate a 
number of cabins; 5 were documented and digitally recorded, 2 were test excavated, 
and selected representatives of the typical structures making up Old Slate Falls were 
documented via 3D modelling.  
 15
 Shifts in habitation type and lifestyle are key to understanding the changes seen 
in the recent historic and archaeological record. Integration of ethnographic accounts 
and oral histories into archaeological surveys adds interpretative resolution to this 
thesis. Multiple forms of evidence and perspectives from material and verbal findings 
are merged to offer a comprehensive understanding of the cultural anthropology and 
historic archaeological approaches in this study. The anthropological perspectives 
collected in Slate Falls convey physical and psychological changes experienced by 
members of the community as they transformed their community. 
Oral testimony has become more frequently used in concert with archaeological 
exploration and interpretation such as those seen in Echo-Hawks’ (2000) publication. 
This enables a more comprehensive understanding of the validity and accuracy of both 
the oral tradition and archaeological insight by considering their consistency. 
Interpretative inconsistencies can also be informative, highlighting issues that require 
further attention. Numerous authors such as Roger Echo-Hawk (2000), Robert 
Bringhurst (1999), and Peter M. Whiteley (2017) have shown that when oral traditions 
are maintained they have close correlation with the material culture of a peoples’ land. 
By accepting and interpreting a peoples’ oral traditions and tying them to the land we 
are able not only to bring readily available and new perspectives forward, but also to 
enhance our ability to conduct archaeological research as a whole.  
By integrating archaeological investigation with oral histories, the physical search 
for evidence becomes ‘directed’ and efficient, with nuanced and comprehensive 
interpretations becoming possible. This, of course, becomes more complex when 
addressing archaeological sites occupied before ‘living memory’. In the circumstance of 
Old Slate Falls, we are able to connect habitation sites to family groups and even 
individuals, and couple these places with personal narratives of meaning. This research 
will be used to contrast archaeology and verbal histories in order to highlight the need 
for both, and the benefits and shortcomings associated with each method. 
 16
A key research objective is to understand ‘off reserve’ Native life during the late 
19th and 20th centuries, a time when many Native communities had already begun 
making the transition to full-time reserve life. Slate Falls offers a unique perspective on 
historically occupied Native village sites in Northern Ontario. The primary goal of this 
thesis is to address the last 150 years of Slate Falls history, integrating insight from the 
local oral tradition, written ethnographic findings, historic syntheses, and historic 
archaeological observations. Within this work, ethnographic accounts are compared to 
the archaeological histories and pair with one another to highlight key features of each 
methodology. Multiple forms of evidence and perspective are merged to offer a 
comprehensive understanding using historical, cultural anthropological and 
archaeological approaches. This research documents the evolution of lifestyle and the 
associated buildings, tools, and every-day items used in the Slate Falls community from 
the mid 1800’s till the late 1980’s as the community shifted towards a more sedentary 
life in a permanently occupied settlement. The research also explores the increased 
access to and use of both imported goods and the escalating levels of cultural 
integration with Canadian federal and provincial agencies, European settlers and other 
newcomers from the surrounding area. 
1.1 Purpose of Investigation 
 The information presented in this thesis is additionally meant to assist in providing 
resources for the people of Slate Falls to preserve and celebrate their history, and to 
document the recent Post-contact history in Northern Ontario. There is an urgent need 
to find, document and understand what village life was like for Natives during the Post-
contact period before these histories are lost to time. This more-recent past is not well 
documented in written form, and is more completely represented in Elders’ memories. 
Oral history is vulnerable to loss, unless collection and synthesis is undertaken while the 
last generation of people who participated in the subarctic trap line lifestyle are still with 
us. The work done here attempts to collect and integrate two different types of 
information: the oral history of Slate Falls Elders as collected by ethnographers, and 
 17
material culture evidence deriving from archaeological enquiry. Through documenting 
and interpreting the material culture of Slate Falls we seek to more fully understand the 
changes seen in Northwestern Ontario throughout the recent historic and archaeological 
record. 
 This thesis also offers insight into the changes that take place when a First 
Nations community retains independence after treaty processes, and the community 
transformation that takes place with growing influence of government programs, 
policies, and changing access to non-local goods. The documentation of cabins and 
structures in Old Slate Falls provides an overview of construction techniques, village 
layout, and the shifts in material culture over time. Changes in the local economy can 
have a significant effect on cultural dynamics. Slate Falls, largely having a land-based 
economy, has been impacted by government-driven changes to wildlife management, 
Figure 1.1, Overview map of referenced geographical features.
1  8
land tenure, commercial fishing, and other aspects of natural resource management. 
These, in turn, impact personal economic situations such as annual income and the 
need for annuity payments, compounding the effects that drive cultural change. 
Understanding the drivers of economic shifts in the study area is important to identify 
material culture change.  
Can cultural material be coupled with oral history to more fully understand 
cultural change? Major cultural shifts are readily evident in changes in living patterns 
within Old Slate Falls. This is suggested by shifts from semi-sedentary to fully sedentary 
life, access to greater quantities and diversity of imported goods, transformation of 
household size and architectural features, development of the registered trap line 
system, and the eventual move to a federally-recognized reserve.  
Archaeological assemblages will be compared to the reconstructed cultural 
chronology. Archaeological and ethnographic findings will be compared to published 
sites, ethnographic accounts, and first hand accounts to create a detailed material 
history of the Slate Falls community. Archaeological materials collected were assessed 
to determine if culture change can be seen through materiality, and if excavating a 
historic archaeological complex can provide insight that could not be interpreted from 
the oral record. Excavations and archaeological assessment of the Old Slate Falls 
community adds to the historic and archaeological record by taking a multifaceted 
approach to detailing a historic Native community; an undertaking infrequent in 
Canadian archaeological literature. It is further unique through the opportunity to 
document and investigate a native village which was largely abandoned in the late 
1980’s and has had little modification since then.  
1.2 Background  
 The Slate Falls community is located at the northwest end of North Bamaji Lake 
(Figure 1.3). It is now road-accessible “…via Highway 516 north of Sioux Lookout, to the 
Big Vermillion Road and north on the Rawhide Road to Slate Falls Nation” (Cat Lake 
 19
Greater Lake St. Joseph 
N
Bamaji Lake Area 
Osnaburgh House
ph
t Jo
se
Lak
e S
Hwy. 
599
10 km
Figure 1.2, The Greater Lake St. Joseph area.
Figure 1.3, Bamaji Lake area.
 20
Lac Seul
First Nation et al. 2008). Slate Falls lies within the Albany drainage basin where an 
abundance of rivers and waterways congregate and feed into the Hudson Bay. The 
people of Slate Falls derive from the Mishkeegogamang (The Big Lake People). While 
they are frequently close in relation to the Mishkeegogamang community (closely tied to 
Osnaburgh House), they often prefer distinction because of their geographic separation 
from the Lake St. Joseph area which is associated with the Mishkeegogamang. 
 The archaeological documentation collected during this project can be used by 
future generations of Slate Falls residents. The cabins still standing in the Old Slate 
Falls Village will rot and crumble with time, but will be preserved digitally for future 
generations. Documenting archaeology and oral histories in a community can help to 
ensure a future in which community members can readily demonstrate ancestry and 
historic connections. This can foster a sense of belonging and reinforce the rights of the 
future generations of people of these lands. The ethnographic record collected from 
members of the Slate Falls community is being used by other researchers to create a 
narrative of lifestyle, culture and community among the early occupants of Slate Falls. 
This will be compared to general trends in written Aboriginal history seen in Chapter 
Four to discuss local variation. Accounts collected from the Slate Falls people form the 
basis for the archaeological investigations conducted in this thesis. 
Major cultural shifts in the Slate Falls area can be seen through variation in living 
patterns, such as the change from semi-sedentary into fully sedentary life. This 
transformation is linked with access to greater quantities and diversity of imported 
goods, assigned trap lines, and the shift to reserve life. Cultural dynamics evolve and 
change quickly. They are affected through an ever evolving land-based economy; 
changes to wildlife management, land tenure, commercial fishing and other land-based 
resources elicit an economic shift. Annual income, fur sales, and annuity payments drive 
cultural shifts in the Slate Falls area. Understanding the stimulus of a traditional 
economy will be invaluable for identifying and explaining variation in material goods.  
 21
1.3 Ethnographic Accounts  
Archaeological investigations in the Slate Falls area were conducted using 
knowledge passed down to Frederico Oliveira through his interviews with the Slate Falls 
elders. These interviews seek to document the history of a comparatively autonomous 
group of families who sought to retain a discrete identity as Slate Falls people. It was 
invaluable to guide the archaeological investigations, improving efficiency in locating 
sites and significantly augmenting site interpretation. For example, Sam Carpenter 
reported that in the late 1920’s when he was a child, his mother died. This lead to his 
father relocating the family cabin from its original spot to a new one near those of an 
uncle and two ‘old Cree ladies’. Was it that his father needed help caring for his 
children, or that the feeling of the house, and memories associated with it, were no 
longer bearable? This is something that only personal accounts would clarify. In typical 
archaeological contexts, we simply observe the abandonment of locations, but rarely 
have corroborating information to help direct the interpretations. 
  
We were blessed with the ability to interview Sam Carpenter before his passing 
in 2019. Aged 95 years at the time of our visits, his memory was sharp and he was able 
to recollect with detail his early childhood. His daughter Elsie Sakakeesic frequently 
acted as an interpreter and relayed her memories as well. Many Native communities 
express negative views towards archaeology in response to the history of past research 
that included burial excavations. During the course of seven years of anthropological 
interviews, Frederico Oliveira built a close relationship with the Slate Falls community, 
becoming a friend to many of the members. This relationship greatly facilitated the 
permissions granted for archaeological explorations in the area. The Slate Falls project 
also offers a test venue for the integration of oral history, historical archaeology and 
archaeological techniques. Frequently, archaeology addresses Pre-contact populations; 
however, with this research we have a unique opportunity to communicate with the 
living on the matters of life and culture in the Old Slate Falls Village. 
 22
  
“Water is life, for everyone, it’s a big part of this 
community” (Delford  Mitchell, per. com. 2021) 
 23
CH.2 The Land and the People 
Introduction 
 In many archaeological syntheses ecology and culture history are presented in 
two discrete chapters. I take a different tack in recognition of local holistic perspectives 
that assert that the land shapes the people, and the people shape the land. This is 
consistent with archaeological perspectives whereby ecology plays an important role in 
cultural history, determining the opportunities and resources available to people. 
2.1 Ecology 
"Watercourses riddle this landscape and are key to traditional and 
modern transportation” (Cat Lake First Nation, et al., July 2011, 
pg. 8). 
  The now abandoned village of Old Slate Falls is located near the outlet of the 
Cat River into North Bamaji Lake, within an area exhibiting a modified continental 
climate, characterized by long cold winters with low precipitation and warm and clear 
summers (Cat Lake First Nation et al. 2008). Lake Bamaji drains into Lake Saint 
Joseph, eventually connecting to the Albany River and on to James Bay. Cat River flows 
from the northwest before draining into Lake Bamaji, and provides important travel 
routes to Cat Lake and other trade posts and villages as far west as Lake Winnipeg.  
 24
Figure 2.1, View of Slate Falls from Lake Bamaji, the blue roof is the new Band Office.
Dark brown, tannin-rich waters flow through the diverse network of rivers, 
streams, springs, and lakes that dot the Canadian Shield. The many lakes and rivers 
contain countless islands but allow for historically efficient warm-season transportation 
connecting large swaths of land. These waterways rest upon the exposed bedrock of 
the Canadian Shield; a thick exposed crustal layer of metamorphic and igneous 
bedrock. This landscape is a reflection of the geologic processes that have shaped the 
northern boreal forests of Canada having been highly modified by glacial activity. 
Bedrock outcrops are exposed in small ridges along the shorelines. The Slate Falls 
region exhibits limited topographic relief, primarily made up by esker ridges of sand, 
gravel, and boulders (Nelson 2002, Cat Lake First Nation, et al., July 2011). Soils in the 
study area of Old Slate Falls are characterized by thin organic material over grey silty 
sand on top of fine red-brown sand of varying depths until bottoming out at bedrock.  
 25
The soils examined during 2017 and 2018 show no evidence of transformation 
through introduced species or large scale forest harvest. This is indicated by the 
absence of evidence of the introduced Red-Earthworm (Eisenia fetida) in the 
archaeological exposures. The presence of these worms would typically suggests home 
agriculture, composting, bait fishing, and species introduction (placing earthworms in 
gardens). Small garden plots existed in the Old Slate Falls Village; mainly used for the 
cultivation of potatoes (variety unknown). A lack of extensive agricultural production due 
to the default terrain and bedrock has preserved these relatively undisturbed soils.  
Local ecology is typical of the boreal forest; 
in low areas, sphagnum moss covers conifer 
forest floors. Well-drained localities consist of 
birch and poplar forest with an understory of 
dogwood, bearberry, labrador tea, wild rose, 
caribou lichen, club moss, and blueberry. The 
majority of trees age between 80-160 years with a 
top range of 260 years (Cat Lake First Nation, et 
al., July 2011, pg. 9). Diverse fauna populate the 
study area. Mammals include: black bear, caribou, 
moose, lynx, wolf, muskrat, beaver, martin and 
fisher. Many migratory waterfowl are seen, and 
the waterways contain all varieties of fish common 
to the Canadian Shield such as pike, walleye, 
whitefish and sturgeon. Figure 2.2, Birch forests in Slate Falls.
2  6
2.2 Pre-contact Cultural History  
This chapter section summarizes the Western-defined (published and accessible) 
understanding of Indigenous history that is relevant for the Slate Falls area, while 
Chapter 4 reviews local First Nations oral history. This chapter also reviews material 
culture adaptations deriving from colonial culture contact. This provides a broader 
context of the changing social and material culture of Northern Ontario as a whole to aid 
interpretation of archaeological recoveries from Slate Falls. Comparatively little 
archaeological investigation has occurred across Subarctic Ontario, resulting in a 
provisional cultural sequence. This understanding will most certainly transform as more 
research data is collected, analyzed and published. 
 To assist the reader the following timelines have been created. This grouping 
style was created solely for this study and does not reflect the timing of direct contact 
with Europeans, but rather the levels of influence and cultural shifts seen within this 
study. 
Timeline of Major Cultural Phases  
BP: Before Present 
  
1. Paleo Hunter Gatherer Period: 9,500 - 7,000 BP 
2. Shield Archaic Period: 7,000 - 2,500 BP* 
3. Early Woodland Period: 2,500 - 2,000 BP* 
4. Middle Woodland or Laurel Period: 2,200 - 1,000 BP  
5. Late Woodland Period 1,500 - 500 BP 
6. Historic (Post-contact) 1650 - 1850 AD 
7. Transitional: 1850 - 1950 AD 
8.  Modern 1950 - Present 
*Time span unstable and likely to shift as new culture history discovered,  
 Early Woodland Period not yet discovered in the culture area 
 27
Deglaciation - Archaic Period  
The regression of the Laurentide Ice Sheet from this area occurred between 
9,500 and 9,000 BP (Dyke 2004). Upon deglaciation, the Slate Falls area was likely 
inundated by the glacial Lake Agassiz until around 9,160 BP, when the Kaiashk outlet; a 
channel flowing through the Hudson Bay, rapidly drained the massive waterbody (Teller 
and Leverington 2004). Melting glaciers created northward expanding wetlands 
(11,000-9,000 BP) and following closely behind were the Paleo-Indians moving into new 
hunting territories. “Morainic and ice-scoured surfaces held many lakes, ponds and 
marshes, rapidly stocked with aquatic and semi aquatic life” (Sauer 1948 pg. 70). Tool 
traditions consisting of locally utilized materials dominate assemblages. Relatively 
consistent, these assemblages are associated with a large variety of Clovis and 
Paleoindian populations across Canada and the Northern States, indicating highly 
mobile lifestyles (Wright 1976, Sellet 2001). Initially after the retreat of the ice sheets, 
pollen records indicate a vegetation succession from sparse tundra to dense tundra 
(Sauer 1948). In inundated areas Peatland initiation lagged the retreat of the ice sheet 
and drainage of glacial lakes by hundreds to thousands of years, transitioning from 
carex-dominated fens to sphagnum-dominated bogs (Holmquist & MacDonald 2014).  
 The paleo hunter-forager lifestyle was replaced with the Shield Archaic tradition 
starting 6500 BP; characterized by ground stone technology, side notched points, 
copper tool traditions, and a suitable toolkit for woodworking, which included heavy 
choppers (Dawson 1984, Wright 1968b). People of the Shield Archaic followed a broad 
spectrum foraging strategy, ranging long distances and maintaining mobility along 
waterways through boreal forest and high tundra (Wright 1994, Campbell 1962). Rapidly 
shifting seasonal resources across the Canadian Shield necessitated a highly mobile 
and seasonal lifestyle suitable to seasonal fluctuations in continental climate. High 
mobility in hunter-gatherer bands are assumed due to uniformity in archaeological 
materials (personal communications Scott Hamilton 2018). Hamilton’s (2018) findings 
are interpreted as a reflection of high cultural exchange between groups connected on 
the waterways of Northern Ontario. Mobile, highly flexible lifestyles would continue to be 
 28
Figure 2.3, Outline of the Laurentide Icesheet 11 KYA, 
Following the glacial retreat to the north. Image provided 
from A. Dyke, 2004.
Figure 2.4, Outline of the Laurentide Icesheet 7.8 KYA, 
prior to the Kaiashk outlet draining Glacial Lake Agassiz. 
Image provided from A. Dyke, 2004.
2  9
significant descriptors of all the descendants and inhabitants of this landscape, latter 
deemed; The Little North. 
The Woodland Tradition up to European Contact 
  
 Following the Archaic period, the settlement pattern retained its central theme of 
seasonal mobility and shifts in prey choice that is consistent with adaptation to the 
intensely continental Subarctic environment. The Early Woodland period has yet to be 
been found or have representation in the material culture in North Eastern Ontario. 
Beginning in the Northeastern United States The Early Woodland Period (2,500 BP) is 
characterized by the widespread introduction of pottery and a shift in small tool 
traditions. The Middle Woodland follows many of the same patterns but is characterized 
by Laurel Ware (2,000-1,000 BP). Later the Late Woodland is identified through shifts in 
pottery styles becoming increasingly complex with a shift in tool manufacturing, 
settlement patterns, and burial practices (Guindon 2009, Meyer, Hanna & Frey 1999, 
Syms 1977). Prominent pottery wares include Selkirk, Black Duck, and Sandy Lake 
Ware. Other Late Woodland Phases have been identified in the region, primarily on the 
basis of distinctive pottery wares, but all reflect variations upon a political economy built 
around broad spectrum foraging. 
 Anishinaabeg oral histories relate that close to 900 AD there was a westward 
migration of the Ojibwe from a saltwater expanse; assumed to be the Atlantic (Heinrichs 
& Heibert 1956, personal discussions with Rob Pierre 2018). The migration was thought 
to have taken 500 years, putting the time of completion around 1,400 AD (Warren 2009, 
Copway 1851). Families would stop in locations where a secure economy could be 
pursued, leaving behind scattered, independent groups of people that observe Ojibwe 
cultural traditions (Heinrichs & Heibert 1956). If this reflects historical migration 
processes, no doubt, the Ojibwe integrated themselves with already resident 
populations through intermarriage and other alliance mechanisms. 
 30
2.3 Post-contact to Modern 
Introduction  
This research project focuses largely on documenting the transformation of 
Indigenous ways of life dating from the 1600’s to the 1990’s in Northern Ontario. To 
facilitate this, the Post-contact period is subdivided by the author into the Traditional, 
Transitional, and Modern periods. This reflects processes of acculturation and adoption 
of new materials and lifestyles by native populations as a consequence of indirect and 
direct contact with European colonial societies. Although members of the Slate Falls 
community have close ties to the many other Ojibwe bands of Northern Ontario, 
external pressures may not have affected them in the same way. The geographical size 
of Northern Ontario meant that settlers and government bodies came into contact more 
infrequently with some native groups as European populations gradually expanded into 
the vast and geographically isolated parts of Northern Ontario. 
Very little is known about the Ojibwa and Cree in Northern Ontario prior to 
European contact. Oral traditions and verbal histories exist but significant historical 
pressures led to rapid transformation of culture, economy and demographics, resulting 
in much being lost or obscured within a few generations. As Native communities 
gradually recover from forced acculturation and traditional values are increasingly 
accepted, oral histories are once again being shared, but many were lost to 
christianization and regulated schooling. The following written synthesis is developed 
from published literary sources, and when possible First Nations accounts are 
integrated and prioritized. Both Cree and Ojibwe histories are included and intermixed, 
as the Slate Falls founders consisted of both Cree and Ojibwe families. 
Note to reader: a brief timeline can be seen in Chapter 2.4 and an expanded 
timeline can be found in the Appendix A. Please refer to this for material culture 
changes, fur trade practises, and similar relevant recorded information.  
 31
2.3.a Traditional Historic  
1600’s-1700’s 
 The early writings by European traders and settlers reveal incomplete and often 
ethnocentric descriptions of the resident Indigenous groups encountered within the 
region. At first European contact, the local inhabitants of Central Canada were given 
many tribal designations: Ottawa, Missisauga, Potawatomi, Saulteur, Amikwa, Nipissing, 
Ondataouauoat, Cheveux Releves, Kishkakon, Mousonee, Nassauaketon, Nikikouek, 
Sinago, and Gens de Terre (Greenberg & Morrison 1982). To add to this grouping of 
peoples, the term Northern Ojibwa relates to several different ethnic units, known at 
contact under a host of names such as Kilistinon, Cree, Monsoni, Muskego, and Gens 
des Terres (Greenberg & Morrison 1982). These names were derived from labels given 
by neighbouring groups, while these people largely self-identified as Anishinaabeg. The 
Ojibwa are broadly grouped with much cultural variation. High mobility, intermarriage 
and sheer geographic space between bands prevents the establishment of clear cultural 
boundaries and tribal designations of the Algonquin language family who frequently 
share language and material culture (Wright 1965).  
 Before the coming of European traders, it is thought the Cree did not winter near 
the coasts of James Bay, considering it inhospitable (Long, 1978a, Bundy 2010). 
Traders along Hudson Bay in the mid 1600’s negotiated with the Natives to supply them 
with geese in the fall, and those who stayed to do so often had insufficient time after the 
fall hunt to travel home due to the winter freeze. This would be the first time the Cree 
wintered in James Bay (Long 1978a).  
 Historically, the Cree maintained a highly mobile lifestyle but with the introduction 
of trade posts, some of those closest to the coastal depots became semi-sedentary as 
they began to live within or near the European establishments as part of newly 
developed roles as provisioners to the Europeans. These people came to be called the 
Homeguard (Rogers & Smith, 1994). It became common practise to employ Natives as 
 32
Figure 2.5, Fort Albany between 1924-1926. Unknown Photographer, Library 
and Archives Canada, Archives, Item number 3310168.
Figure 2.6, View of Osnaburgh House (Ontario). Wigwams, canoes and 
bateaux are seen on the shoreline of Lake St. Joseph. Taken by Robert 
Bell, 1886, Library and Archives Canada, Archives, Item number 4820400.
3  3
guides in the early years, and (with their mixed-parentage descendants) gradually came 
to make up a large percentage of the trade companies' work force. Many operated the 
canoes and bateaux of the traders, shuttling goods inland along rivers and waterways. 
  Through frequent movement and travel on routes used to access and harvest 
country food and other products, the Ojibwa and Cree used and maintained travel 
routes that had been in place for centuries before the introduction of the fur trade. The 
high mobility of the Ojibwe people can be seen from records by Gloucester House In 
1781, wherein reports of Natives traveling from Lake Winnipeg to Gloucester House 
(over 700km) on the Albany River are common (Reid, 1980).  
 Trade posts were commonly placed in areas of Indigenous social gathering and 
along already established trade routes. As trade increased, Ojibwa bands in Northern 
Ontario and Eastern Manitoba became affiliated with selected trade posts and would 
form semi-permanent lakeside villages (Bishop 1976). Ojibwe and Cree men would 
work for the posts, and women and children frequently found employment and housing 
in and around the post (Figure 2.5, Figure 2.6). In concert with intermarriage between 
Indigenous women and European men, this created families of people who had 
developed close relations with the traders and their structures.  
Through trade with the Europeans, the Ojibwe integrated new technologies with 
traditional ways of life, and also influenced European traders and social life within the 
trade posts. Marriage between trade partners secured and strengthened those social 
and professional relationships and helped maintain trade (Suffling & Younger 1993, 
Rogers 1976). This is an ancient aboriginal process, in which economics is inextricably 
tied to social discourse. It reflects part of generalized patterns of reciprocity and social 
engagement that can be viewed as a kind of social safety net among foragers. A land-
based economy is reinforced by social networks. Another aspect of this, gift giving is a 
strategy used by early traders to create bonds with trade partners, ensuring that the 
trade relationship continues. These social networks help to alleviate the effects of 
 34
fluctuation in fur prices and competition for territories and suppliers, therefore limiting 
economic competition. 
The importance of strengthening ties and relationships through marriage is 
exemplified in the story of the founding of Slate Falls: a group of four Cree brothers from 
Albany Factory travelled inland through seasonal work in the HBC transportation 
system. One of these men married into the Ojibwe of Osnaburgh House and sought a 
new economically sustainable area to settle. Located at a portage, Slate Falls acts as a 
rest stop and a potential trade area increasing its economic value. For hundreds of 
years after European contact, the people of Slate Falls sought to live economically 
independent lives through fishing, hunting, and trapping. 
2.3.b Transitional Phase 
1800 - 1920 
A strong barter-based economy persisted along Bamaji Lake from the 1840's to 
the 1970's. Sturgeon, wild rice, blueberries, furs, and prime hunting grounds contributed 
to Lake Bamaji’s economy. This economy is further bolstered by the Mishkeegogamang 
wives of the Cree, who provided diverse familial relations for the Cree men allowing for 
increased social and economic support. Strong marital bonds between the Ojibwe and 
the Cree facilitated their participation with relatives in large social events in the summer 
and profitable trade at the Osnaburgh Post. The relations between Slate Falls and 
Osnaburgh House would become increasingly important as time progressed.  
Treaty processes shaped the relationship and legal framework between various 
countries, government bodies, and the First Nations who went into the treaty processes. 
Beginning with the Treaty of Albany (New York) in 1701, treaty agreements continued 
through time as a consequence of European Colonial expansion into North America. 
 35
This first impacted Northern Ontario with the 1850 treaties (Robinson-Huron, Robinson-
Superior), but accelerated rapidly after the 1870 purchase of Ruperts Land by Canada, 
with subsequent Euro-Canadian settlement into western and northern Canada. Treaty 
No. 1, in 1871, was the first treaty developed with the Canadian Confederation, which 
followed a trending decrease in benefits, stipends, supplies, and allowances seen over 
the course of the previous centuries treaty processes (Rogers & Smith, 1994). Through 
limiting the benefits and tools provided to the Native recipients, competitive prices for 
food production had decreased as Euro-Canadians frequently struggled from 
competition with Native farmers (Rogers & Smith, 1994). Bringing in more settlers, 
roadways, canals, waterways, and rail lines encroached on autonomous First Nations 
groups creating the need to further develop new treaties. 
The year 1885 marks an important time for the people of Northern Ontario. It 
marks the completion of the Canadian Pacific Railway (CPR), providing an effective 
Figure 2.7, Ojibwe woman drying fish. Taken by Kenora photographer C.G. 
Linde, Circa 1922. Images courtesy of The MUSE, Kenora.
 36
transportation link between British Columbia, Northwest Territories, Manitoba and 
Eastern Canada. This railway bisected the southern edged of The Little North, triggering 
considerable change in social, economic and material structure. Enhanced 
transportation also facilitated access to the boreal forest by Anglican, Methodist, Roman 
Catholic missions, and also European education and health care (Taylor, 1994 pg. 
248-350 in Rogers & Smith, 1994, Bundy, 2010). The CPR created a boom in logging, 
commercial fishing, and mining operation near the railway route. It also allowed the 
independent traders to move in on the HBC monopoly (Taylor, 1994 in Rogers & Smith, 
1994). The railway enabled American and Euro-Canadian trappers to move into new 
locations, escalating competition for resources. This period saw an increase in the 
exploitation of fur-bearing animals, and corresponding decline in animal populations 
(Bundy, 2010).  
Treaty No. 9 - 1905 
As this natural resource frontier continued to open to non-Indigenous users in the 
early 1900's, a renewed effort at treaty making occurred. A team of Commissioners 
were appointed "to negotiate a treaty with the Indians inhabiting the unceded tract. This 
comprised about 90,000 square miles of the provincial lands drained by the Albany and 
Moose River systems" (Duhamel, 1931 pg. 3). Treaty No. 9 would be drafted to allow for 
Indigenous health care, education and a yearly stipend in exchange for mining, trade, 
settlement, logging and travel rights in the James Bay area (Long, 1978b). The treaty 
process was met with reluctance when first brought to the Mishkeegogamang, verbal 
negotiations were made, which would later be negated by the Federal Government 
(Long, 1978b). Fearing the loss of land and increasing competition from settlers, the 
treaty was signed by Indigenous groups in hopes of maintaining traditional aboriginal 
lifestyles (Heinrichs & Hiebert, 2003), 
The control and influence of Indian Affairs and the treaty processes weren't 
uniform across the country. "Because of its remote location the Ojibway of Osnaburg 
 37
House had escaped pressures for treaties for some years but by 1905 government 
commissioners were making their way with treaty no.9 " (Heinrichs & Hiebert, 2003 pg.
110). In the settlement of the treaty, the Slate Falls people were treated as a part of the 
Osnaburgh House Band. Nonetheless, Slate Falls families refused the wishes of the 
Indian Agent, chose not to amalgamate with the Osnaburgh House Band 
(Mishkeegogamang). Their small size and relative isolation meant they would maintain 
a degree of autonomy by staying along the shores of North Bamaji Lake. Village life and 
layout would not be dictated by Indian Affairs; rather, it would develop in an organic 
manner. 
1900 - 1920 
The turn of the century marked gradual socioeconomic change for Natives in 
Northwestern Ontario, largely the result of government influences and improved 
communication networks. There were, however, many groups whose hunting territories 
remained remote from developing areas in proximity to the railways that were isolated 
from centres of Euro-Canadian settlement and resource development (Dunning, 1959, 
pg. 5). Although many First Nations bands resided in relative seclusion from Euro-
Canadian, sporadic contact was maintained with traders through mineral and forestry 
exploration coupled with post-treaty interaction by federal and provincial government 
agencies.  
With escalating immigration of non-Aboriginal residents in northern Ontario, more 
frequent contact with Indigenous communities occurred, resulting in the inevitable 
spread of disease. While disease epidemics are a common feature of the fur trade era, 
the beginning of the 20th century (1909) marks a more widespread (and better 
documented) influenza epidemic across Northern Quebec and Ontario that caused a 
high mortality rate among the elderly (Skinner, 1911 pg. 117). This had a severe cultural 
and familial impact since the elderly were important holders of Traditional Knowledge. In 
the wake of Influenza, the Spanish Flu would sweep through less than 10 years later. 
These catastrophes accelerated cultural transformation amongst the Ojibwe. 
 38
Figure 2.8, Treaty No.9 feast at Osnaburgh House 1905. 
Library and Archives Canada, Archives, item number 3367552.
1920-1950 
Gold Mines and Road Construction  
In 1929 Gold was discovered at Pickle Lake located north of Osnaburgh, 
resulting in infrastructure development such as hydroelectric damns, roadways and rail 
lines, and with them an influx of European-Canadian settlers (Heinrichs & Hiebert, 2003 
pg.127). It also attracted a few families from the Wunnummin Lake region who traveled 
south to the Osnaburgh House-Pickle Lake area during the summers (Sieciechowicz, 
1986 pg. 19).  
"There, the men worked at the newly opened gold mines; their 
wages provided some financial independence from the Hudson's 
Bay Company debt-credit system as well as enabling families to 
o u t f i t m o r e c o m p l e t e l y f o r t h e n e x t t r a p p i n g 
season" (Sieciechowicz, 1986 pg. 19).  
 39
Mine development contributed to creation of new markets for ‘country food’. From 
1925 until 1960, employees of the Pickle and Crow Lake mines regularly bought fish 
from local indigenous fishermen, providing a steady, local source of income for the 
people of Osnaburgh (Heinrichs & Hiebert, 2003). Unsold or unwanted fish, such as 
suckers, would be eaten by the fishermen’s families (Heinrichs & Hiebert, 2003 pg.84). 
Unfortunately, the new natural resource development and influx of outsiders also came 
with devastating side effects. 
Loss of First Nations History Through Flooding 
For many Native Americans, there is an inextricable link to the land, resulting in 
profound and devastating loss when confronted with severe land modification. This is 
evident with the 1934 damming and 1958 diversion of Lake St. Joseph to augment 
hydro-electric power generation. This was initiated to support gold mine development in 
the region, but later expansion to supply Lac Seul and the Ear Falls hydro dam caused 
even more severe impacts. This flooded the shores of Lake Saint Joseph (Rob Bundy 
2010), damaging valuable rice patches, and disrupting or destroying local fish 
spawning. 
The flooding of Lake Saint Joseph swallowed up an unknown number of 
archaeological sites and contemporary harvesting and habitation locations. It also 
caused many of the smaller lakes in the area to merge; isolating sections of land, 
flooding burial sites, blueberry patches, and campgrounds (Bundy 2010). As the 
landscape and habitat transformed, local Indigenous residents also faced 
transformation of optimal fishing locations and the loss of sturgeon breeding grounds 
(Heinrichs & Hiebert 2003, Bundy 2010). Despite attempts to repair and rebuild docks, 
Osnaburgh House closed down in 1936 as a consequence of flooding, water damage, 
and declining fur prices (Rob Bundy 2010) it would later be relocated. The decline in fur 
prices caused a shift in the labour force towards mining, logging, and commercial 
 40
fishing, altering the cultural and economic landscape of the community (Taylor pg. 359 
in Rogers & Smith, 1994). 
Trapline Management  
The mid-20th Century influx of Euro-Canadians, in addition to the increasing 
populations in Native rural communities, triggered implementation of a provincial 
program of trapline management. In 1948 a trapline management policy was instituted 
to keep non-native people out of reserve boundaries and to assign exclusive trapping 
rights in particular areas to individuals or groups who paid an annual fee. For much of 
Northern Ontario, these trapping rights were assigned to specific Indigenous families, 
often those who had habitually harvested those areas (J. Garth Taylor 1994 pg. 395 in 
E. S. Rogers, D. B. Smith, 1994). 
The management of traplines affected the livelihood and culture of a 
comparatively small group of Euro-Canadian trappers, but for Native communities 
having a designated trapping area for an individual would break a pattern of tradition 
and culture. Hunting and trapping rights to specific areas were traditionally assigned to 
specific extended families who managed their own harvest, but were socially obligated 
to share resources as needed with others (E. Rogers & M. Black 1976). Family hunting 
and trapping areas would be allowed to lie ‘fallow’ so as to replenish game populations 
(M. Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003). Through an attempt at blanket policy the 
implementation of trapline management created adverse effects for Natives, including 
drops in locality specific fur bearing populations as higher trapping pressures were 
placed on areas with low productivity. 
 41
Figure 2.9, Man and boy in front of Wigwam. Lac Seul First Nation, Taken by F. W. Waugh, 
1920. Library and Archives Canada, Archives, Item number 5318581.
Mandatory Education and Loss of Traditional Skills 
The Family Allowance Act, passed in 1946, provided benefits to Indigenous 
families, but only those whose children attended school (R.W. Dunning, 1959). The Act 
was instituted on the presumption that compulsory attendance made people better 
workers, able to get and hold wage labour jobs; however, time spent at school began 
stripping culture and language from the First Nations children. Families struggled to find 
time to pass on the vital skills and histories needed for their children to continue living 
traditional lifestyles (A. Tanner 1985). Time spent in school came at the expense of time 
spent learning traditional skills on the land. The establishment of day school was 
particularly harmful to subsistence lifestyles; often parents would not be able to maintain 
their distant traplines needing to remain in their community, and as it became more 
difficult to continue their trade, unemployment rates began to rise (Taylor 1994, pg. 
379-381 in Rogers & Smith, 1994). Schooling in the general area (Osnaburgh-Sioux 
Lookout) was reportedly very unsuccessful maintaining low literacy rates (Dunning, 
 42
1959). Frequently children chose not to attend class in favour of traditional education at 
home and less precarious income from hunting, trapping and fishing rather than wage 
labour. Many aboriginals saw European employment as spotty and unreliable. A mine or 
mill may be in operation for 20 years, but when it closes down you have no livelihood 
and no means of successfully exploiting land-based resources. 
Figure 2.10, Parching wild rice. Lac Seul First Nation, F. W. Waugh, 1919. 
Library and Archives Canada, Archives, 5318561.
Figure 2.11, Anishinaabeg man and boy gather wild rice in birch 
bark canoe. Lac Seul First Nation. Taken by F.W. Waugh, 1919. 
Library and Archives Canada, Archives, Item number 5318560.
 43
2.3.c Transitional to Modern 
1950 to 1990 
  
European education was not always resisted by Aboriginal communities. A 
Mennonite Mission in 1953 to the community of Pekangekum rapidly gained success 
amongst the locals, as they were seen to be open with their hospitality (Dunning, 1959, 
pg.17). Similar success was documented in Slate Falls, where members of the 
Mennonite church who were heavily invested in education were also welcomed into the 
community. From personal discussions with band members, it is noted that federal 
education had poorer standards than the provincial curriculum which was in part 
assisted by Mennonite efforts. 
Although there was a steady shift towards European education and employment 
in the general region, trapping was still the primary livelihood for the Ojibwe of 
Osnaburgh during the 1950’s (Heinrichs & Hiebert, 2003 pg. 92). The subsistence 
lifestyle indicates that semi-sedentarism was still maintained as a strong cultural value 
in the 1950’s. John Macfie writes that even in the 1950's settlements were virtually 
empty from October until April, indicating a mobile lifestyle which required people to 
travel to trapping areas during the winter (Heinrichs & Hiebert, 2003 pg.170).  
The 1960's saw a worldwide decline in fur demand due to cheaper warm 
synthetic fibres and the rise of animal rights activist movements (Heinrichs & Hiebert, 
2003 pg.92). In the proceeding years, many Natives of Northern Ontario would come to 
rely on seasonal employment and government income to live (Taylor 1994 in Rogers & 
Smith, 1994).  
 44
Government Influences on Housing 
  
In the 1960's increased levels of subsidized housing and medical care 
encouraged aboriginal settlement in increasingly sedentary villages. The development 
of on-reserve day schools to replace residential schools also contributed to this 
sedentary lifestyle. One strategy employed by families with school-age children was for 
male trappers and hunters to make extended harvest trips by dog sleds or 
snowmobiles, while women and children remained in the reserve communities to allow 
children to attend school (Heinrichs & Hiebert, 2003 pg.168). These government 
programs often failed to address local considerations. For example, housing in New 
Osnaburg was established in a grid layout that made sense from a southern urban 
perspective, but failed to address northern lived realities whereby the housing layout 
blocked many people’s access to the shorelines with its importance for continued water 
transportation (Heinrichs & Hiebert, 2003 pg.172). Community boat ramps, trucks, and 
trailers were now required, where before they could pull a boat up on the beach in front 
of individual cabins. Lack of access and increasingly expensive trips to traditional 
harvest areas severely limited people’s ability to practise the traditional economy. 
It had become clear that government assistance had harmful impacts on 
Aboriginal education and lifestyle. To combat the increasing dependance on 
government assistance during the 60’s, government-funded enterprises were created to 
decrease the need for unemployment income (Heinrichs & Hiebert, 2003 pg.168). Some 
enterprises in the Osnaburgh area included cranberry fields, furniture construction, and 
a shoe factory (Taylor 1994 pg. 385 in Rogers & Smith 1994). 
 45
Figure 2.12, Air traffic and docks at Old Slate Falls. Image provided from 
Isabella Cook's personal collection.
 
Air Traffic and Fishing 
   
Commercial fishing operations depended upon effective means of getting 
products to markets. In the decades after World War II this was facilitated by transport 
of fresh fish by float planes from remote lakes to fish processing facilities at railway 
towns scattered across the north, and then on urban markets. As air traffic increased 
there were fewer people needed to haul goods along waterways and by overland 
routes, once roads were constructed, further job opportunities declined due to 
competition with white settlers (Heinrichs & Hiebert, 2003 pg. 101). Air transport, while 
expensive, offered efficiencies, flights north to collect fresh fish offered means for 
people and goods to be transported northwards to remote villages and camps at 
reduced costs. The new source of cash income, coupled with air transportation resulted 
in a gradual increase in the diversity of goods reaching remote settlements and trapping 
camps. This resulted in an increase in imported food and goods. (Taylor, 1994, pg. 358 
in Rogers & Smith, 1994). 
 46
With the advent of commercial air transportation opportunities and with an 
increasing market for freshly caught fish, the people of Slate Falls saw an opportunity to 
create business and trade. The Ontario Department of Game and Fisheries issued the 
first commercial fishing licenses for the Ojibwe in the area around Lake Bamaji in 1940. 
By 1944, 15-20 families were engaged in commercial fishing (Heinrichs & Hiebert, 
2003). Slate Falls Airways created their business in 1955, transporting fish and furs from 
the surrounding area. 
Band members worked as fishermen, performing a variety of duties from making 
shipping boxes to packing and shipping fish. Commercial fishing was a significant 
source of revenue, but there were problems. Ice houses were needed at the various 
landings around Lake Saint Joseph to prevent spoilage, but the band lacked the capital 
to build these, and non-aboriginal buyers didn’t invest in the fisheries ( Heinrichs & 
Hiebert, 2003). Johnny Derouin describes life as a commercial fisherman, "June till 
October we would fish, taking a few weeks off to get the winter place ready and from 
November we would go trapping", Johnny's father quit commercial fishing when the 
Ministry of Natural Resources closed down his operation (Heinrichs & Hiebert, 2003 pg.
149-151). 
During the mid 20th century fish prices were volatile and prone to fluctuating, in 
1970 the Federal government set up the Freshwater Fish Marketing Board and 
attempted to stabilize prices. The board hoped to support aboriginal fisheries by cutting 
out the middleman (Heinrichs & Hiebert, 2003). The board had centralized operations in 
Manitoba which led to logistical difficulties and when combined with rising airline costs, 
water level fluctuations, mercury poisoning and a lack of leadership, many of the Slate 
Falls people (and other Native communities) stopped their commercial fishing 
operations (Heinrichs & Hiebert, 2003 pg.82). 
 47
Lifestyle Shifts with Annuity Payments  
Consequences of reserve life such as the implementation of annuity (treaty) 
payments and alteration of trapping grounds, alongside other treaty rights, result in a 
clear shift towards a more centralized, sedentary life. However, some communities were 
able to avoid the scrutiny of Indian Affairs, largely remaining autonomous. By living off-
reserve and away from Osnaburgh, the people of Slate Falls sought to avoid these 
issues remaining somewhat autonomous by distancing themselves from Osnaburg 
House. 
In understanding these ways of life, we can see why the residents of Slate Falls 
would seek to obtain autonomy. “Financial capital was less important to the livelihood of 
the Slate Falls people than their stocks of human, social, and natural capital” (Fagan & 
Munck 2018 pg. 342). 
Funding through Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada (INAC) was processed 
through Osnaburgh and Slate Falls would remain off-reserve to maintain autonomy from 
the INAC. A provincially run school was put in place to teach in the village as they 
frequently maintained higher education standards than federally regulated schools. The 
community also set up a multitude of business enterprises, including an airline and a 
fishing lodge established by entrepreneur Hughie MacKenzie. The fishing lodge brought 
extra money to the area by opening up a new tourist market while it continued to 
transport goods needed in commercial fishing. Frequent air traffic meant residents could 
export fish and furs through scheduled pick ups, and allowed the purchase of goods 
locally, without having to travel to Osnaburgh House.  
 48
 Slate Falls Becomes an Official Reserve  
Early in 1985 Slate Falls became a formally INAC-recognized reserve 
independent of Osnaburgh. A paved all-weather airstrip was one of the incentives 
towards attaining reserve status. Eventually, the village would be moved to the south 
side of Lake Bamaji to facilitate the installation of water and sewage lines. Slate Falls 
residents began to move across the lake between 1992 and 1995 as federal money 
began to trickle in and houses were built. In 2018 running potable water was finally 
accessible in Slate Falls. 
Despite drastic cultural and material changes over the centuries after the first 
European contact, the people of Slate Falls maintain a strong connection to the land. 
Traditional activities are being revitalized, and subsistence is widely practiced. 
"Substantial quantities of country food, meat and fish are harvested for consumption in 
the communities and for family and community members in Sioux Lookout and 
beyond” (Cat Lake First Nation, et.al, July 2011 pg. 11). 
 49
2.4 Abbreviated Timeline  
Note to reader: An Extensive Timeline detailing the cultural shifts in the Slate Falls 
region can be found in Appendix A.  
1600’s - 1700's 
1640 - The first documentation of the Assiniboine appear in a Jesuit text (A. Ray 
1998). 
1675 - Fort Albany established (A.Drapack, C.Moffet, Golder Associates, 2013). 
1781 - 1783 - Outbreak of smallpox claims 2/3rds of the Ojibway in Northwestern 
Ontario (A.Drapack, C.Moffet, Golder Associates, 2013). 
1786 - Osnaburgh House established (M. Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg.162). 
1800 - 1900 
1805 - Lack of conservation led to beaver and big game scarcity (M. Heinrichs & 
D. Hiebert, 2003 pg.160). 
1840’s - 1870’s - Increase in goods being shipped meant there was a need for 
more men to transport goods, families began to stay at the posts (C. Bishop 
1994, pg. 313-314 in E. S. Rogers, D. B. Smith, 1994). 
1880’s - Loss of fur bearing populations is seen with explanation being given by 
the encroachment of hunters and trappers from the outside causing over-
harvesting and a change in harvesting practise (Rob Bundy 2010). 
1885 - CPR completed, creating a boom in logging, commercial fishing, and 
mining, allowing whisky traders and independent traders to move in on the HBC 
monopoly J. Garth Taylor, 1994 in E. S. Rogers, D. B. Smith, 1994). 
1900- 1950 
1905- Treaty No. 9 is implemented and signed by the Band of Osnaburgh. 
1912 - When the CN line was completed, goods came from Hudson through Lac 
Seul and Root Portage (M. Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg. 104). 
1920 - Boom prices brought an influx on non native trappers to Northern Ontario 
who frequently had a lack of concern for conservation of fur resources than their 
Native counterparts (J. Garth Taylor 1994, pg. 361 in E. S. Rogers, D. B. Smith, 
1994). 
 50
1940’s - Instituted trapline management to keep non-native people out of reserve 
boundaries and to focus activity on the resources in allotted areas J. Garth Taylor 
1994 pg. 395 in E. S. Rogers, D. B. Smith, 1994). 
1940’s - Planes began carrying people and freight into the north - the Nooduyn 
Norseman was the workhorse of Ontario's provincial air service bush flying fleet 
(Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg.104). 
1950 - Present  
1954 - Road is built to Savant Lake - this caused the price of groceries to 
increase and also facilitated the movement of population, causing an increase in 
settlers (M. Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg.167). 
1957 - Dam at Lake Saint Joseph (Root River Diversion) is created, causing 
fluctuating water-levels, increasing erosion and bringing hardship on commercial 
fisheries by drying up spawning areas (M. Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg.133). 
1945 - 1980’s - Establishment of day school affected the abilities of trappers to 
continue their trade and to pass the tradition on to their young, this saw an 
increase in unemployment. (J. Garth Taylor 1994, pg. 379-381 in E. S. Rogers, D. 
B. Smith, 1994). 
1960’s - Worldwide decline in fur demand due to warm synthetic fibres and 
animal rights activists (M. Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg.92). 
1960’s - Gov’t subsidies, paid housing and increased medical care drew people 
into village living, and schools forced a sedentary lifestyle on traditionally mobile 
people. Hunters became commuters with the introduction of snowmobiles (M. 
Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg.168). 
1970’s - 80’s - Seen as a time of political upheaval and unrest with a high 
number of alcohol and drug abuse cases (M. Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg.
173). 
1985 - Slate Falls is recognized as a band 
2011 - “Substantial quantities of country food, meat and fish are harvested for 
consumption in the communities and for family and community members in Sioux 
Lookout and beyond. The nature and geographic extent of harvesting has 
changed, but it remains a profoundly significant and defining activity for Cat Lake 
and Slate Falls communities. There is also a considerable amount of 
infrastructure in the field that harvesters rely upon for these harvesting activities 
(e.g., campsites, trails, portages). This infrastructure needs protection so it can 
continue to be used, especially where it can be accessed by waterways”. (Cat 
Lake First Nation, et.al, July 2011, pg. 11) 
 51
“Slate Falls didn’t start in 1985 when we became a band. We are 
living in this place for a long time. It’s important for the young 
people to know about our history.” (Elsie Sakakeesic cited in 
Oliveira 2018, pg. 27). 
 52
CH.3 Methodology 
Introduction 
The research underlying this thesis was conducted in collaboration with two 
sociocultural-anthropologists who recorded cultural and historical narratives collected in 
the Slate Falls community. Martha Dowsley Phd., Frederico Oliveira Phd. and their 
assistant Gavin Shields conducted interviews with local people regarding their 
relationships with the environment. These accounts when combined with the 
archaeological evidence from the investigation of Old Slate Falls Village refine our 
understanding of local cultural transformations. Verbal accounts collected by the 
anthropological inquiries allowed for the archaeological discovery of 4 historic sites, and 
6 prehistoric sites, along with the documentation of numerous cabin and elements of 
traditional and historic life-ways. 
Through previously collected ethnographic data, a series of maps were 
produced. Sam Carpenter, a 95 year old village elder, drew a sketch map of his family 
home and other community members’ dwellings in the area (Figure 5.2). Throughout 
interviews, Sam and his daughter Elsie related changes in life and social dynamics in 
Slate Falls from the 1930’s to the 1980’s. These oral histories were used by Scott 
Hamilton and Frederico Oliveira to construct occupancy maps of the Old Slate Falls 
Community (Oliveira 2018). Further and subsequent interviews were conducted on a 
more informal basis guided by the ethics reviews of Frederico Oliveira and ethics 
reviews required by Lakehead University through TCPS Course on Research Ethics. 
The objectives of the interviews and the interviewees' rights were explained prior to the 
interview. At the end of the interview the interviewee was asked what material they 
conveyed should be omitted or left unwritten as well it was asked whether they agreed 
to have their names published as the authors of the information. Further consultations 
regarding the review of the final draft was given to the community and the interviewees 
prior to thesis defence. 
 53
  
The archaeological exploration of Old Slate Falls was conducted over a two year 
period (a 10 day visit in August 2017, and a 20 day field school in August 2018). Each 
visit was conducted by the Lakehead Anthropology Department but with different crew 
complements each year. The archaeological techniques used varied depending upon 
the site type and the available labour. 
In 2017 the team consisted of Gavin Shields and Frederico Oliveira doing 
interviews, with archaeological reconnaissance by myself, Clarence Surrette, and Scott 
Hamilton who acted as the permit holder for the project. In 2018, the original crew was 
bolstered with Holly Fleming and Zebedee Kawei, our guide to the area James 
Masakeyash, and 5 field school students Eden, Louis, Holly, John and Gavin. During 
both visits, the participants stayed with Slate Falls families, developing a connection 
with local residents that would otherwise would not have been possible. Team members 
would travel by boat to the site each day, hauling necessary equipment with them over 
multiple trips, usually 20 minutes one way. 
3.1 Old Slate Falls Historic Structures and Features  
Utilizing a sketch map provided by Sam Carpenter (Figure 5.1), a shoreline 
survey was conducted to locate landscape features and cultural structures (Figure 3.4). 
This involved pedestrian surveys, with crew walking at approximatly 30m spacing in 
search of cabin foundations, refuse middens and other cultural features.  
Documentation of cabins and cabin foundations focused on recording size and 
layout, construction techniques, materials used in the structures, and scattered 
materials surrounding the structure. At selected cabins, 3D modelling was conducted 
using video footage and camera stills to create 360° views of the dilapidated cabins 
Video footage was analyzed and still frames were taken from the footage. Using Agisoft 
and Data D, photographs were aligned and the footage was rendered into models by 
 54
project archaeologist Zeb Kawei. In some cases, such as Appendix E, Plate E.13 & E.
14 (Cabin 3), the camera’s wide angle lens created a curved distortion of the cabin’s 
exterior and our modelling program was unable to correct for this. This can be 
compared to Figure 6.34 which shows the 3D model of Cabin 3 utilizing photographs 
from a DSLR camera. 
The individual images were integrated to create a 3D model by photogrammetry. 
We elected to use individual photographs for modelling, rather than video footage as 
photographs were determined to be more accurate, lacking motion blur, and easier for 
the program to stitch together. Most cabins were also documented using a DJI drone to 
generate aerial photographs, which would be rendered into micro-relief topographical 
maps (Figure 6.7 & 6.12). Models from different photogrammetry sources can be viewed 
in Appendix E, Plate E.13 & E.14 
3.2 Site EgJv-5 - Sam’s Cabin 
Following the identification of this historic cabin foundation, it was mapped and 
subjected to subsurface testing to confirm its historic identity. As sketch mapping 
coupled with UAV mapping progressed, metal detectors were utilized to locate nearby 
cultural features and metallic objects. A sweeping grid search was conducted around 
Sam’s Cabin, with the locations of metallic responses recorded with hand-held GPS. 
Metal detector ‘hits’ (with responses ranging from 5-12 KHz) were investigated with 
small scale excavations (probes) down to the depth of the artifact. This probing did not 
usually exceed more than 10cm x 10cm, larger areas might be opened to expose larger 
artifacts or clusters of objects. 
Systematic shovel testing at 5m intervals along a grid was also conducted at 
EgJv-5 (Sam’s Cabin). This search grid was established 2m to the southeast of Sam’s 
Cabin and spanned 100m to the north, 50m east and 50m west (Figure 5.4, Pg. 91). 
Minimal shovel tests were conducted to the south due to bedrock exposures that slope 
steeply down to the nearby shoreline. Test pits were dug (50cm by 50cm) until glacial till 
 55
Figure 3.1, Slate Falls Overview Map, placed on North Bamaji Lake, General Site Map is 
Figure 3.2.
Figure 3.2, General Site Map of Slate Falls, indicating discovered archaeological sites of 
2017-2018.
5  6
Figure 3.3, Approximate location of recorded cabins, many more remain undocumented.
Figure 3.4, Approximate area surveyed during 2017 and 2018 archaeological investigation.
5  7
or bedrock was encountered. Excavated sediment was processed through ¼ inch 
screens, and all bone, lithic, metallic, and other cultural remains was collected.  
Subsequently to the systematic shovel testing, an excavation unit was placed 
judgmentally over a large exposure of bones and debris. This was excavated in 10cm 
layers for 3 levels. Using trowels, the excavation unit conformed to the natural contours 
of the forest floor, in an effort to uncover living floors and potential paleosols. Artifacts 
were exposed and mapped in situ prior to extraction and bagging. The excavation floor 
was photographed in 5 cm intervals in order to document rapidly changing sediment 
lenses and layers (Plate C.2 Pg.245). Surface stripping of a historic midden was 
conducted to assess food and material consumption (Plate C.8 Pg.249). A large amount 
of ash was discovered and a sample was taken. The sample was processed in the lab 
through ¼ inch screens, ⅛ inch, 1/16 inch and 0.5mm screens. Cultural materials were 
separated and bagged based on individual classes and material types. Cultural features 
surrounding the cabin foundation were identified during the sweeping transect surveys. 
Soil core samples were taken in sections 10cm long by 5cm in diameter and were 
wrapped in aluminium foil and bagged.  
3.3 Site EgJv-6 - Bonecrush 
The metal detector survey conducted around Sam’s Cabin led to the discovery of 
a Pre-contact site 50m east of the historic cabin foundation that exhibited Pre-contact 
affiliations. Strong metal detector responses led to the excavation of probe tests dug 
judgmentally in order to find and identify the metallic objects. On average, these probes 
were 10cm x 10cm. The most promising of these probes were also selectively shovel 
tested. They were excavated 40cm x 40cm until bedrock was reached or soils were 
determined sterile. Sediments were screened with 1/4 inch sieves.  
The shovel testing at EgJv-6 yielded 7 positive shovel tests which were recorded 
using GPS and with a detailed site map (Figure 5.18). Artifacts collected in the field 
were bagged and tagged by shovel test. Among the recoveries were bullet fragments 
 58
and mushroomed bullets, leading to crime-scene analysis journals (D. Miller 2019, B. 
Sapp, 2020, and D. Scott 2017) being used to determine calibre, firing mechanism, and 
likely make of the rifle used at EgJv-6.  
3.4 Site EgJv-7 - Mckenzie Beach, EgJv-8 - Emily’s Site, EgJv-10 
- Adz  
Several surface scatters of artifacts were noted along the exposed shoreline of  
Lake Bamaji. Due to eroding cut-banks, erosional action, and a low water table, an 
increased visibility of sediment surfaces aided our search. A pedestrian survey with a 
5m transect was conducted, and all surface finds were mapped with a GPS and then 
tagged and bagged. 
3.5 Site Ejgv-9 - Pepsi & Flipflop  
During the metal detector survey, a flat elevated terrace was observed west of 
the Sam’s Cabin locality. This attractive locality was investigated with five judgmentally 
selected shovel test pits and one trench, 50cm x 50cm and 50cm x 100cm respectively. 
Excavated material was processed through a 1/4th inch screen. Recovered materials 
were bagged and tagged by unit, and soil profiles were checked for cultural features 
and paleosols. 
3.6 Lab Processing and Analysis  
At a Lakehead University Anthropology Department lab the collected artifacts 
were photographed, weighed, sorted, identified, and catalogued by type. In the ensuing 
identification and labelling, artifacts were electronically catalogued to facilitate eventual 
online viewing. Following Jean-Luc Pilon (1990), artifacts were sorted into different 
categories: natural (bone, wood, lithic), manufactured/imported materials (steel, 
 59
ceramics, lead), and reused/repurposed manufactured artifacts. Identifiable faunal 
remains collected were assigned to taxonomic category and bagged separately. Efforts 
to source the geological origin of the lithic materials indicated that most were likely of 
local derivation.  
Artifact preparation prior to re-bagging largely consisted of washing and drying. 
Utilized flakes or stone tools were dry-brushed to allow for later residue analysis. 
Heavily rusted materials were subjected to electrolysis to remove rust and halt the 
artifact oxidation without damaging or altering the original surface. Due to time 
constraints only axes were subjected to electrolysis to search for potential unseen 
features or cartouché marks of the axe manufacturer (note Plate D.4 Pg.261).  
Electrolysis was conducted with the following materials: 0.5 - 6.0 amp battery 
charger at 12 volts, 125ml of wash soda (sodium carbonate), 15L of warm water, 4 iron 
bolts, 10ft of copper residential wiring, 1 wooden dowel, 2 feet of nylon rope, and a 5 
gallon bucket. Each artifact was wrapped in copper wire connected to the negative 
battery charger terminal, and suspended in the bucket filled with the sodium carbonate 
solution. Four iron bolts were wrapped in copper wiring and secured to the sides of the 
bucket using C-clamps. Once connected to the battery charger’s positive terminal, the 
bolts act as sacrificial anodes. With the charger set at 0.5A., the experiment was 
monitored for signs of chemical reduction. Once the reducing process began the artifact 
would be left for up to 12 hours with occasional monitoring of its condition. Once red 
iron oxide (Fe3O4) was no longer visible on the artifact the process was halted and the 
artifact was scrubbed with hard plastic and brass bushes in order to remove black iron 
dioxide (FeO2). After washing and drying, the implement was waxed in order to stop 
further corrosion while in storage. The artifact was then bagged and catalogued. 
 60
 61
CH.4 Oral Histories of Slate Falls  
Introduction  
Over a seven year period Frederico Oliveira and his assistants collected oral 
histories from knowledge holders resident in Slate Falls and Sioux Lookout. This work is 
ongoing and has significantly aided in contextualizing the archaeological information 
presented in this thesis.  
Further inquiries and interviews were conducted by myself so as to interpret 
findings and clarify some of the oral histories. The majority of these latter interviews 
were informal, and sought clarification of information in light of the archaeological data. 
Conversations were held with Sam Carpenter, one of his daughters Elsie Sakakeesic, 
and a grandson Delford  Mitchell. Throughout this thesis individuals will be referenced 
by first name, personal communications (per. com.) and the year of the interview. For 
example Personal communication with Elsie Sakakeesic, 2021, will be referred to by 
(Elsie per. com. 2021). 
4.1 Origins of Slate Falls  
According to the oral histories of Slate Falls Elders primarily sourced from Sam 
Carpenter, during the mid to late 1800's a small group of Cree men from Fort Albany 
married Anishinaabeg women who were members of the Mishkeegogamang community 
(the people of Lake Saint Joseph). These families then settled in the interior headwaters 
of the Albany River system, giving rise to the Slate Falls community in an area already 
home to Ojibwe people such as the Loon family. 
 62
 Oral testimony from Elsie Sakakeesic indicates that the flooding of Lake St. 
Joseph as a result of the Pickle Lake Dam inundated the community of 
Mishkegogamang (a community now relocated to New Osnaburgh) and forced a 
subsequent expansion of the Slate Falls community. As a type of economic refugee 
resulting from the flooding, some of the Ojibwe from Mishkeegogamang chose not to 
move to the government approved New Osnaburgh but to join what was likely their 
relatives or in-laws in Slate Falls. “When it [Lake St.Joseph] flooded people were forced 
to find new areas, rather than moving to New Osnaburgh our family and some others 
moved out on the lake, staying at various places till they found their way out here and 
made this our home” (Elsie, per. com. 2021). The ecological consequences of flooding 
also likely disrupted the earlier pattern of Slate Falls families visiting Lake St. Joseph in 
the summer. 
Although a large portion of the historic roots of Slate Falls involve Cree-speakers, 
the current residents identify solely as Ojibwe, with English and Ojibwe being the 
languages of choice. The Slate Falls community is geographically linked to the mouth of 
the Cat River as it drains from Wesleyan Lake and into Bamaji Lake. While closely 
related to those of Mishkeegogamang (Osnaburgh House), when visiting Lake St. 
Joseph the people of Slate Falls chose separate areas for summer gatherings, fishing, 
winter trapping, and foraging. This allowed maintenance of social connections with 
Osnaburgh House without competing for resources with kinsmen more strongly 
connected to the Lake St. Joseph region. With the passing of summer, the Slate Falls 
families returned upriver to utilize the region surrounding Bamaji Lake. 
  
 63
Early Settlement  
Sam Carpenter offered the following story about the Cree men and 
their settlement in the headwaters of the Albany River system: 
“They came from James Bay a long time ago, even before I was 
born. They were young, not married. They used to go to James 
Bay and work for the Hudson’s Bay. They used to ride those big 
boats, leaving on the first of June and coming back four months 
after, leaving everything behind. When they left, it took them a 
month to come this way, and a month to come back. They stayed 
the winter over there. July, they stayed here and started off with 
three boats and they had to go to Osnaburgh. They used to do this 
trip every year . . .” (Cited in Oliveira 2018 pg. 9). 
 This pattern of movement referenced by Sam was typical of fur-traders and the 
voyagers, traveling at first in canoes, then in wooden bateaux, or the ‘big boats’. It is 
also possible that Sam is referencing York Boats, used to transport cargo inland along 
the major water transportation routes. After 1821, it became more common for 
Indigenous and mixed parentage men to find seasonal employment in transporting the 
furs and goods, assisting with navigation and translations or as short term seasonal 
labour for the HBC. Departure would start in the spring break-up and their return 
needed to be before the fall freeze-up. Traveling from James Bay, the trade routes could 
easily take them west as far as the Assiniboine and Qu’Appelle Rivers. Paddling upriver 
and against the flow of the water, long portages overland were necessary to cross 
dangerous waters or over heights of land and into new drainage basins. Thousands of 
pounds of cargo would be shipped in; specialty foods, trading supplies, tobacco, gear 
and employees. These resupply treks also carried the previous winter’s accumulation of 
furs downstream to the depots where they were repacked for shipment to Europe. A 
constant flow of goods and people followed the major river-ways to important trade 
locations at the heads of lakes and the convergences of rivers or trail crossings. 
 64
“They came from there to bring supplies for the Hudson Bay Store, 
and some of them decided to stay here . . . That was long time 
ago; even before I was born. My dad used to tell that story, and my 
grandmother. There were four Carpenter brothers, one Carpenter 
stopped here in Osnaburgh [my dad’s dad] and two others kept 
going to Lac Seul. One brother kept going, but we never heard 
from him and he went to White Dog. And with the Wesleys was the 
same thing, Charlie’s dad. There were lots of them, Robert, 
Thomas, Joseph, Stanley, Sam, Simon . . . They had their dad 
over there, Noah Wesley. They came at the same time with the 
Carpenters; all from James Bay. The Loons were already in this 
area. I got the story from my grandmother and my dad.” ( Cited in 
Oliveira 2018, pg.10) 
 One of the first families to live semi-permanently at Slate Falls were the Loons, 
who were Ojibwe resident in Slate Falls before the Carpenters and Wesleys, who were 
of Cree/Ojibwe origin. 
“James Bay… That’s where the old people came from: Carpenters 
and Wesleys. That’s what I was telling you in the beginning: they 
came from there to bring supplies for the Hudson Bay store, and 
some of them decided to stay here” (Cited in Oliveira 2018 pg. 10).  
 Sam’s stories illustrate the 19th Century use of the ancient waterways that bisect 
northwest Ontario, demonstrating the high mobility achieved via lake and river routes. At 
another time Sam described how travel to Lac Seul grew more frequent in more recent 
times, as a consequence of the reorientation of supply and communication networks 
after the development of the railway at the town of Hudson. The Carpenter family also 
maintained this mobile wide-ranging lifestyle through commercial fishing operations on 
Lake St. Joseph, with numerous cabin sites and fish camps scattered throughout the 
Cat River drainage basin. 
 65
4.2 Yearly Cycles 1840-1960’s 
Seasonal Movements  
The Mishkeegogamang used to break the year into six seasons, 
rather than four: Dagwaagin (fall), Bitchibiboom (before freeze-up), 
Biboom (winter), Ziigwan (spring), Minookamin (before break-up), 
and Niibin (summer) (Oliveira 2018 pg. 17, Heinrichs & Hiebert, 
2003).  
These periods were used by the families of Slate Falls and the surrounding area 
to inform their bi-annual journeys. This more finely spaced seasonal intervals allow the 
Mishkeegogamang to represent their understanding of the strategic seasonal changes 
that enabled movement throughout the year, define economically and socially important 
activities, and ensured safer and more fruitful ventures. These seasons were used to 
indicate when people should travel to gathering points to trade, fish, stock up, prepare 
for the winter, and to communicate and keep track of the movement patterns of game 
for when they split up into the familial hunting units. 
These seasonal periods were also important in marking when not to move. The 
freeze up and break up seasons were particularly dangerous for movement, presenting 
challenges with waterway navigation and unpredictable ice. The Slate Falls families 
would make their summer trading and family gathering voyages in late spring, with an 
early fall return to trap in the winter, thereby avoiding travel in the dangerous break-up 
and freeze-up seasons. 
 66
Warm Weather Movement 
One of the first indications of impending spring break up was the arrival of 
migratory waterfowl to places of open water at river outlets or below rapids. Hunters 
would start bringing home duck and goose meat, a welcomed luxury after a long winter 
season. The spring duck hunting season lasted for approximately three weeks (Oliveira 
2018 pg. 23). This early sign of spring triggered another early spring chore involving 
construction of fish traps in the shallow channels of the Slate Falls rapids to catch 
whitefish and suckers (Oliveira 2018 pg. 22). Fish caught surplus to immediate need 
were smoked or dried and then stored for later use. These seasonal activities were a 
prelude for Slate Falls families about to undertake the beginning of their late spring 
journey. 
Following the opening of the waterways, people travelled by canoe to Osnaburgh 
House. “We gathered here in Slate Falls, and we would be here waiting [to travel] for 
the Treaty Party in Osnaburgh in the last week of June” (Sam Carpenter in Oliveira 
2018). The summer was a time for social gatherings, marriages, resupplying and 
relaxation. Once the summer activities were finished and people became homesick, 
residents of Slate Falls would begin their journey home. They used to make periodic 
stops along the way from Osnaburgh, following the west end of Lake St. Joseph, 
through the Cat River system, and finally returning to Bamaji Lake. Along the way 
people fished, hunted, and foraged berries and wild rice along the shorelines (Oliveira 
2018 pg. 24). 
Sam indicates that Slate Falls residents harvested wild rice as a food staple, but 
it is not clear where these ricing areas are located, nor how intensively these rice beds 
were maintained. Historically, rice grains would be packed into balls of mud and thrown 
from canoes at desirable camping locations during voyages around waterways, which 
would be harvested at a later date (Dr. Peter W. Fuller, per. com. 2016). This process 
created a safety network of food resources across their territory that made travel more 
comfortable and stocking supplies for winter easier and more plentiful. 
 67
“We used to travel to Osnaburgh to get the money – four dollars – 
and spend some time there too. It wasn’t much, but it was worth 
it… Things were not expensive at that time, and we had a big 
family, so each one of us would get four dollars. We used to spend 
almost the whole summer at the Lake St. Joe. In the middle of 
August, we started to come back here. And spent the month of 
September starting to get ready for October . . . for the trapping 
season…That’s what everybody does.” [Sam Carpenter]. 
“Before freeze-up, we stayed close to Slate Falls. Chopping wood, 
setting snares around the house or getting water. In a way, I miss 
that kind of life. I remember my dad and uncles spending the 
remaining weeks making sure that their toboggans, sleds, dog 
stuffs, trapping equipment, snowshoes and other gears were in 
good condition” (Joe Carpenter cited in Federico Oliveira 2018 Pg. 
19). 
 The annual summer trip to Osnaburgh largely stopped when the Indian Agent 
began to come to Slate Falls to disperse annuity payments. A precise date is not known 
but Elsie indicated the first visit was made by floatplane (air travel had a more 
widespread use in the Little North after 1940). 
Materials  
Traditional lifestyles required extensive ecological knowledge and required 
understandings of how to utilize locally available materials. Many of these locally 
available goods would have European manufactured counterparts, but the accessibility 
and maintained knowledge of the locally sourced materials kept the practise of utilizing 
these resources alive. Harvested goods would range from wood products (trees, bark, 
roots and boughs), through to local faunal materials such as leathers, furs, sinew, antler 
and bone refer to Plates B.1 to B.9. Birch bark was an important part of traditional 
lifestyles, it’s accessibility and workability made it critical for use in the construction of 
canoes and wigwams refer to Plates B.6 & B.7. Birch bark would continue to be 
 68
employed throughout the 19th century and onwards in the making of boxes, and storage 
containers. Evidence of birch bark stripping can be seen near Sam’s Cabin; a very old 
and long dead birch tree was the only indicator of bark-stripped trees located in the 
surveyed area. 
 Caribou and moose hides were processed and tanned to form an important 
source for clothing, footwear and other objects. Even after the ready availability of textile 
clothing and bedding, leather continued to be used almost solely to make mitts and 
moccasins. “Smoking it gave it a certain smell, the factory ones didn’t have that smell 
they looked the same but lacked the smell, they also didn’t stretch” (Elsie, per. com. 
2021). Elsie commented that despite the ease of access and expediency of factory-
made materials, Slate Falls community members continued to practice their traditional 
methods of crafting clothing because of it’s significant quality advantage. Similar tanning 
processes can be seen in Plate B1. Rabbit fur is considered to be one of the warmest 
materials found in the area. Snares would be set and checked as a daily task.  Elsie 
recalls that some old timers used to make entire blankets out of rabbit fur. Small 
sections would also be placed into mitts or mukluks to keep feet or hands warm.  
Foods 
 “We would eat anything, but I never recalled lacking for something, for food that 
is” (Elsie, per. com. 2021). Fall and spring was the season for duck hunting, and winter 
was used for checking rabbit snares. Elsie discussed how her surviving eldest sister 
makes use of every part of the moose, even boiling the head and picking all the meat 
off. Moose would be, and still are hunted as opportunity presented itself, but most 
intensively during the winter months while trapping in remote areas.  
“Moose bones were never thrown away, they would be cut in half 
with a bit of meat left on them, and then boil the crap out of them! 
We would eat the marrow with the meat. Moose nose: cut off, burn 
 69
to remove hairs, scrape the blackened bits off, cut it up, and then 
boil for hours; good stuff!” (Elsie, per. com. 2021). 
 Beaver was another common food source, and the tail and hind feet were 
described as being very fatty. “Never ate too much of it though I had gotten used to 
different foods, you get a taste difference”. Elsie mentions that residential school had 
changed her palate and that many of the traditional foods such as beaver tail were less 
appealing to her after becoming accustomed to European foods.  
 Despite minimal variance in the diet compared to modern standards a wide range 
of cooking methods kept their meals from becoming repetitive. Elsie conveyed a wide 
variety of food processing techniques utilized in Old Slate Falls. Duck and beaver would 
be smoked, as well as whitefish and suckers. Pemmican would be made out of the 
moose meat, by cutting it into thin strips and smoked until dry and then pounding it into 
fine flakes. Moose lard or grease was saved from boiled bones and put in a large tub to 
be saved and eaten with pemmican (Elsie, per. com. 2021). 
 Many types of fish were harvested while commercial fishing, community 
members relayed that certain species were sought after for southern markets while 
others had little value. Walleye, trout, sturgeon, and occasionally whitefish were most 
likely to be sold when caught. Walleye still are considered to be the best eating, but 
each fish had its place as table fare. Sucker fish, northern pike, muskellunge, and perch 
are some of the other fish species which would be frequently eaten but not always 
profitable for commercial fishing. 
 The traditional food sources in Slate Falls were often discussed as being 
plentiful, nutritious and healthy. “But I never recalled lacking for something but then 
again I was away at school” (Elsie, per. com. 2021). Elsie talks about how her sisters 
used to go out with different families while going out on traplines and how sometimes 
things got tough and they had nothing to eat but bannock and tea. In face of forced 
acculturation experienced by many Slate Falls residents through residential schools, 
 70
continuation of many of the practises began to wane. With the increase in floatplanes 
and other shipping methods into the area preferences for foods shifted as well. The first 
store in Slate Falls opened with the arrival of Hughie Mackenzie. 
“Mackenzie the old Irish man, he married a Native woman. He 
started buying furs, he started a store too, dry goods and camp 
food that what they mainly sold… Everyone mainly ate wild game 
though, he passed away suddenly in 1968. Another store never 
panned out, after that people started flying their goods in from 
Sioux lookout; then they started to buy different things but mostly 
flour, [condensed] milk and bread, people still mainly lived off 
moose; we had no freezers. (Elsie, per. com. 2021) 
Figure 4.1, Young family members prepare for a meal, Slate 
Falls. Image provided from Isabella Cook's personal 
collection.
 71
Medicines 
During the early years of Slate Falls, modern medicine and healthcare were 
unavailable at Slate Falls due to its remote location and limited transportation options. 
Instead, the community relied on their traditional medicines which were frequently found 
in the barks roots and leaves of local plants. Knowledge of the traditional medicines 
were discussed with Delford and Elsie but although they were once readily used and 
understood they are now shrouded in mystery. In speaking with the community 
members, Delford remembers his grandmother putting a brown poultice made from bark 
on open cuts and wounds to help sooth pain and decrease infection. Perhaps this was 
willow bark, but other herbs could have been used. Many other herbs and medicines 
were collected from the land and prepared for use, informed by generations of 
knowledge passed down by family elders. One 
example is Rat Root, a herb which can be found 
along the Cat River, commonly used by Natives to 
help cure lung infections, colds, and many other 
illnesses. 
 Conversations with Elsie indicated that 
Tuberculosis was a common infection during the 
early 20th century. Members of the community who 
contracted it would be transported by canoe or 
floatplane and then by rail to treatment centres in 
Thunder Bay. She remembers traveling with her 
family to Lac Seul in order to visit her grandfather, 
who had Tuberculosis and was brought by rail to 
Sioux Lookout from treatment in Thunder Bay so he 
could visit his family. Figure 4.2 , Slate Falls couple 
early-mid 1900’s. Image 
provided from Isabella Cook's 
personal collection.
 72
Commercial Fishing & Tourism 
 “This is what made us different [from the other communities]. We grew up with 
Mackenzie he started the tourist operation. He had 5-6 cabins and Americans would fly 
in to go fishing” (Elsie, per. com. 2021).  
 Slate Falls saw a steady stream of American tourists coming to the village during 
the summer months, typically 6 or 8 people. Sport fishing, via fly-in outfitters camps 
although popular, was not the main form of fishing activity that occurred on the bodies of 
water surrounding Slate Falls. 
 Commercial fishing was conducted by the people of Slate Falls on Lake St 
Joseph, Lake Bamaji and north on the Cat River. “They might go from Lake St. Joseph 
to north on the Cat River to go fishing, but not all the families did that, some of them just 
stayed right here” (Elsie, per. com. 2021). 
 “Fish would be sent off on airplane, that’s how it all started, goods would come in 
and fish would get sent out. It started as a proposition that was made by one pilot who 
came in, he started working closely with the community and even named his airway 
after us. Slate Falls Airway that’s how it got its name” (Elsie, per. com. 2021). Ice would 
be made or cut and stockpiled under sawdust, fish was layered with ice shavings for its 
journey back. Planes came in daily and fish were loaded up whole, gutted not filleted. 
 When Mackenzie died his wife sold the tourist operation to a man planning large 
expansion of the business. A result from the expanded tourist operation came at the 
cost of the commercial fishing business on Lake Bamaji. The Ministry of Natural 
Resources shut down commercial fishing on the lake so that the fish population could 
survive increased fishing pressure from the tourists. “Before the dam my family was 
already into the commercial fishing and making money that way. Now there’s no more 
commercial fishing on Bamaji” (Elsie per. com. 2021). The Carpenters commercial 
fishing licence was moved to Lake St. Joseph where the family still operates a small 
business, where they harvest hundreds of pounds to sell with each outing. 
 73
Hunting and Trapping 
Traditionally in late fall, the families of Slate Falls would break off and travel to their 
separate winter trapping grounds. The Loon and Wesley families wintered at Kezik 
Lake, north of Fry Lake, while the Carpenters remained on North Bamaji Lake and ran 
traplines to the East (Oliveira, 2018 pg.20 & 25, Elsie, per. com. 2021). 
“The Carpenter family used at least three different areas within 
their total trapping territory. They had three trapping cabins located 
in each one of these areas that were used at different times during 
the trapping season. The Blueberry Patch cabin was used until 
Christmas. From February until May they went to Broken Mouth 
and Fry Lake, where they had two other cabins. The Loons and 
Wesleys would come to Slate Falls one week before Christmas 
and stayed until February (before the Carpenters left for Broken 
Mouth). Billy said that they still trapped, but only around the 
houses in Slate Falls, and preferred not to go far away because it 
was too cold. During this time, they used to eat beaver, moose 
meat, and sometimes caribou. They used to set fishing nets when 
the ice was thick enough, just like they do in the winter these days” 
(Frederico Oliveira, 2018 pg.21). 
Social Organization and Village Life  
Interfamilial social organization was partially responsible for determining the 
movements and living habits of the Slate Falls residents and the Mishkeegogamang 
people of Lake St. Joseph as a whole. This organization was divided into two types of 
social relationships; the hunting group and domestic extended families. Domestic 
extended families were made up of multiple generations of related individuals living in 
the same area, such as the Carpenter family. These domestic extended family groups 
were themselves part of a larger hunting group consisting of multiple families living 
nearby, as indicated with the relationships between the Wesley, Loon, and Carpenter 
 74
families at Slate Falls (Oliveira 2018 pg.13). The Mishkeegogamang people are split 
into two distinct hunting groups around Lake St. Joseph.  
 These defined social groupings help to distribute available trapping and fishing 
grounds, and ensure the stability of game populations and harvested resources. The 
Slate Falls hunting group claim the western half of the lake, and the Mishkeegogamang 
and Osnaburgh House use the eastern half (Oliveira 2018 pg.16). This allows both 
hunting groups fair access to the resources they need to survive without competition 
between groups, thereby improving the likelihood of collective success and thus 
survival. 
 
 Eventually, each family would come to 
build their own cabins in the Slate Falls area, 
to which they would frequently return, even 
during the winter months. Families would set 
out before freeze up in a canoe or boat to their 
winter harvest areas, but would periodically 
return by snowshoe to the central hamlet for 
supplies and to bring in their furs. Elsie 
indicated that a lot of walking was very 
common, and Delford expressed amazement 
about the distances many of the families 
routinely travelled over their lifetimes. Elders 
always told him about how they would walk Figure 4.3, Sam Carpenter with his family, 
and snowshoe to get everywhere. His note the handmade mukluks and mitts. 
grandpa’s generation used to go to check their Image provided from Isabella Cook's 
personal collection.
traps out on Lake St. Joseph, “They would 
walk 25 km one way, just to provide” (Delford 
per. com. 2021). 
 75
The introduction of boarding schools threatened to upset these long-standing 
practices. “They used to just grab the kids and make off with them, but then later on 
they only began to take the kids if their parents signed for them to go” (Elsie, per. com. 
2021). Elsie expressed concern over stories of kids going to boarding school in Sioux 
Lookout and never returning home. As a consequence of this it was not uncommon for 
children to avoid going to school, thereby enabling them to learn the traditional life skills 
needed to help support the family as they became adults. Children who went to 
Residential School were often unable to develop these skills due to their extended 
absences. 
 76
4.3 Life 1960’s Onwards  
 When day schooling became available in Slate Falls, a gradual shift towards 
sedentarisim began. People began staying year-round in cabins, heading out to 
different locations during the summer. Yet it was common for many of the older folks 
who still found employment as trappers to continue their yearly subsistence cycles. The 
extensive knowledge of the older generations which were required for trapping and 
hunting were sometimes passed on within extended families. For example Elsie 
Sakakeesic explains that her husband Fred was taught strategic country skills by Sam 
Carpenter, so that Sam’s boys could take their own desired life paths. General elements 
of traditional knowledge still held its place though, like interpreting signs in nature, or 
how to read the land and the waterways were widely known and are still passed down. 
Harvested Foods 
 During the 60’s and 70’s much of what was eaten was still harvested from the 
land. This involved a range of seasonally scheduled foraging activities, including 
blueberry picking, fishing, and hunting. Staples such as dry goods (tea, flour, sugar, 
lard, etc) were bought from the Mackenzie store operation until Mackenzie’s death, and 
were subsequently ordered in from southern stores, and transported by floatplane. 
During the summer months family groups would gather for fishing. Delford recounts 
memories of fish camp on Lake St. Joseph, and how on one point of the lake there were 
7 or 8 cabins to accommodate the Carpenters as they met at fish camp, “That’s a lot of 
fish”. He recalls how fast his aunts cut fish, “They use these round tipped knives and do 
it so fast I could hardly keep up”. He added that on Canada Day the family would have 
filleting contests, and his aunties would do 30 fish to his dozen. He talked about fish 
cheek meals and how they would have big bags of fish cheeks, “It's a lot like chicken 
nuggets” (Delford per. com. 2021) Moose remained a highly valued food source in the 
community. Delford mentions how when they killed a moose, the first meal would 
consist of fresh meat cut into long strips, wrapped around a stick and cooked over the 
fire, to be eaten with salt and water. 
 77
 
Figure 4.4 , Elsie, Johnny, and Irene, fillet Walleye. Image provided from 
Isabella Cook's personal collection.
Music and Entertainment  
 Music heard in Slate Falls would have first been played by hand; later AM Radio 
or record players would liven still nights. “Music was always around in the community, 
there were a lot of old-style record players, then a lot of people had radios, mostly AM, 
AM/FM came a bit later. We used to tune into old hockey games, CKY Winnipeg, I used 
to know names like George Forman and Mohammad Ali from them being mentioned on 
the radio” (Elsie, per. com. 2021). Elsie indicated new technology such as 8-tracks were 
introduced from the Americans but most people still maintained their use of LP and 45 
records. Following the trend of new technology the first TV and generator came in the 
early 80’s from Elsie who bought a generator from the HBC store in Cat Lake to play a 
VCR and satellite TV. 
 78
Games and sports were a popular way for community members to pass time and 
to build skills. Delford mentioned that Fred Sakakeesic had built a cabin to act as a pool 
hall, and it became quite popular. Fred had installed good quality pool tables and they 
frequently had pool tournaments. Delford reminisced that many of the community 
members would try their luck at the game when traveling to the southern communities 
and often would do well.  
For younger kids baseball and volleyball were very popular during the summer 
months, Delford indicated they often took place every evening. The coming of winter 
shifted sports and recreation towards the ice. Delford recounts Elsie and Fred had a full-
sized hockey rink with boards in front of their cabin, and there was always a spot 
cleared on the lake for skating. He mentioned that Slate Falls still has a strong hockey 
community which does well in the local tournaments. For a slower more family 
orientated time on the ice, ice-fishing was and still is recounted by many community 
members to be a popular pastime; often serving as an opportunity to spend time with 
friends and family rather than merely offering an important food source.  
During time not spent on sports, the focus of children was placed on creativity and 
inspecting the world around them. Delford recounted making airplanes and boats out of 
wood and tin to play with, and making hooks from metal scraps for fishing for 
minnows. “Nowadays kids have so much stuff, once a week my grandma used to hand 
out candy to all the kids to us that was a big thing” (Delford, per. com. 2021).  
 79
Village Life 
For over a century the Village of Slate Falls had been building a tightly-knit 
community. “Simpler times, to me it was my paradise growing up” (Delford, per. com. 
2021). Delfords father was a pilot so he grew up in Sioux Lookout, and experienced 
both worlds. This involved coming to Slate Falls during the summers and Christmas. “It 
was more close knit but a much smaller community back then, 60-80 people even 
though there’s more people now there’s less participation within the community, before 
everyone had to help each other, the whole community would get together to lend a 
hand” (Delford, per. com. 2021). 
The Mennonite Mission offered a church 
service every Sunday, with bible studies classes 
afterwards. “The church was a real part of the 
community, youth and ministers would come from 
down south and had activities, usually this 
happened once a week, all the kids in the village 
participated (Delford, per. com. 2021). 
Discussions with older community members 
revealed that many new people had come to start 
Figure 4.5 , Sam Carpenter and 
their lives in the area, such as the Irish-man Mennonite child. Image provided 
Mackenzie, who ran an outfitters cabin and charter from Isabella Cook's personal 
collection.
service, and multiple Americans who sought to 
escape Vietnam war time conscriptions. The yearly 
influx of Americans tourist fishermen created a different type of community more open to 
outsiders, something that is still a proud accomplishment noted by community 
members. To this day, tourism remains an important part of the local economy. Delford 
indicated that tourism benefitted the residents of Slate Falls, as it gave them access to 
planes and thus a wider network for trade. “Big groups of Americans would come up, 
 80
this is what makes us more open to non status folks. When you grow up with non status 
folks all the time it just seems normal” (Elsie, per. com. 2021). She reminisced about 
how they used to go and visit with employees of the mining companies, they would 
travel to go have tea and visit with the often youthful mining population. 
 Delford talks about how, during the winter months, inside his grandfather’s cabin 
there was always a fire going. His grandfather would chop wood and the kids would 
bring it inside. He remembers having baths behind the stove. It started out with small 
tubs, but later they got a bigger tubs, “Which now that I think about it, it was pretty 
awkward as the whole family was just hanging out in the same room” (due to the small 
cabin size). To draw the bath, wash, cook or clean water would need to be fetched from 
the lake, Delford looked forward to getting water, as it meant he could use the snow 
machine. They would haul it from the middle of the lake, using an axe and icepick to 
chip a hole through the ice. Older hand tools were still employed in this task as a 
chainsaw would leak oil into the water and it would become unpalatable.  
Figure 4.6, Community members help to unload a 
floatplane. Image provided from Isabella Cook's personal 
collection.
 81
“A project came though the one time, the government came 
through to update and insulate the cabins, installing windows and 
exterior sheeting with plywood and insulation inside the cabins. 
Although a few years later the community got hooked up to the 
hydro-line and all the wiring in the houses had to go overtop the 
plywood and insulation. At that point there was still no 
plumbing” (Delford, per. com. 2021). 
Much of the Village of Slate Falls was connected by a number of footpaths, snow-
machine trails and a boardwalk made of logs and 4x4 runners topped with 2x4’s. 
Delford and Elsie reminisce on childhood memories of riding bikes on the village 
boardwalk, which connected a large majority of the community that was dispersed along 
the lakeshore. The community was largely separated into family groups areas around 
the lake; the Loons to the west, and the Carpenters and Buntings to the east. After 
attaining reserve status and moving to the other side of the lake, the families locations 
became mixed rather than grouped. “Thats when things started changing as the new 
housing began being built” (Delford, per. com. 2021).  
Delford talked about how as a boy he watched a neighbour build a cabin. During 
the first year the logs would be gathered and prepped and allowed to season (dry) for 
one year. The next year you would be able to begin building. It took a couple months 
finish, and was a laborious task “if you wanted something you had to work for 
it” (Delford, per. com. 2021).  
“My older sisters built a cabin from the ground up; now no one will 
build anything for themselves, I wonder how it would be if 
residential schools never did what they did” (Elsie, per. com. 
2021). 
 82
1985 - Reserve Status Recognized  
 Once reserve status was attained The Band Office was constructed for running 
band administration. “They didn’t have much. It was mostly to organize things for 
making the move to the other side” (Elsie, per. com. 2021). Modernization and shifts in 
lifestyle became to be more widespread, forced to adapt many of the members began to 
take on new roles and skills. In 1988 everything related to The Band Office was manual 
bookkeeping, they eventually found an accountant who introduced a generator and a 
computer for accounting. He taught Elsie how to use the computer as she was already 
proficient with the keyboard from typewriters “…and now they have online shopping, 
which is coming in handy during the pandemic” (Elsie, per. com. 2021).  
 As a result of moving to the south side of the lake and an all weather access road 
being constructed, Elsie expressed concern by the influx of highly processed foods 
being introduced into the community. “Lots of bad nutrition, fast food and microwaved 
stuff, probably the last 10 years its gotten bad, people bring it back from heading into 
town, it's a step away from those traditional diets” (Elsie, per. com. 2021) 
“There’s not as much hunting for subsistence these days, but 
there’s always meat; its gets shared with the community. Some 
people still trap and hunt and make a living in that style (Delford 
per. com. 2021).  
 Alcohol and drug consumption are issues of concern for some who fear that they 
will harm the progress of the community youth. Elders in the community have also 
expressed growing worries about an increased dependency on government money. 
“Before people used to maintain their independence, but now some young people have 
a hard time providing for themselves” (Elsie, per. com. 2021). 
 Community members also expressed concern that the maintenance of traditional 
life-ways and culture struggled when impacted by situations created through English 
based education and entertainment. “Everything is in English, it shouldn’t be, but its 
 83
hard to keep kids speaking Ojibway when the TVs are in English. It needs to start at 
home otherwise these things will never succeed. This is the last generation to pass on 
the language” (before and while residential schools were in operation) (Elsie, per. com. 
2021). 
 “South of here they practise the old ways more”, Delford expressed a sense of 
sadness at the fact there is little of the traditional culture remaining in Slate Falls. (per. 
com. 2021) He felt that learning about it or teaching it could foster a sense of identity. 
He expressed interest in educating the youth and community of traditional Ojibwe 
practises, not to adopt these traditions but simply to know about them. “My own family is 
trying to keep a traditional lifestyle alive but it is up to the young people, if they want to 
live up here…but it's a struggle” (Elsie, per. com. 2021).   
 “Theres programs in the community to teach kids about game, 
hunting and trapping, theres community campsites to teach ‘old 
style living’ and how it used to be back in the day. Now we have 
numerous boats for being able to head out on the lake for 
traditional teaching.” The last two years he’s noticed a lot more 
activity on the water, more boats and motors (Delford per. com. 
2021). 
  The move to the south side of the lake began in 1992. Many of the older 
community members regret moving to the south side, although it was done to gain 
access to amenities such as an air strip, an improved nursing station, a band office, and 
water and sewage treatment facilities. Discussion with members of the Slate Falls 
community revealed that most people felt village life on the north side of the lake was 
simpler, and more wholesome. They remember better, and happier lives with less 
garbage and complexity before the introduction of improved transportation and internet. 
 84
 85
CH.5 Results; Conventional Archaeological Sites  
  
This chapter presents the results of the archaeological investigation of material culture 
observed at Old Slate Falls. The following sites are assigned site name and a Borden 
site designation as assigned by the Ministry of Culture and Tourism Ontario. 
5.1 Previous Archaeological Work In EgJv (The Greater Bamaji 
Area) 
The study area is located in Borden Block EgJv. Two archaeological sites were 
previously recorded in the area during the development of the Slate Falls airport in 
1994. These consist of EgJv-3 and EgJv-4 (EgJv-1 & 2 have no site record/are errors). 
EgJv-3 is represented by the recovery of a single biface of archaic origins found in the 
garden of John DeBoer, the school principal. The site is located in the eastern 
boundaries of the Old Slate Falls Village, no locational data was provided by the Ontario 
government so as to preserve site integrity. 
EgJv-4 (Bamaji Lake Site) is located 5.2 km south-southeast from the centre of 
the Old Slate Falls Village. EgJv-4 consists of Post-contact & Pre-contact surface finds 
located at a fishing resort on Lake Bamaji owned by Knobby Clark. It is represented by 
a significant amount of fire cracked rocks and other flakes. Collected artifacts include: a 
corner-notch projectile point, two modified end scrapers, one modified bone fragment, a 
brass scrap fragment, and chert debitage. The extent of the site is unknown, no 
locational data was provided by the Ontario government so as to preserve site integrity. 
 86
5.2 Archaeological Sites of 2017 - 2018  
 Five Pre-contact archaeological sites were recorded during the summers of 2017 
and 2018. Most coincide with Post-contact occupations, indicated mixed component 
assemblages with repeated occupation. Pre-contact surface finds were readily seen 
along beach edges during low water levels. EgJv-5, EgJv-6 and EgJv-9 coincide with 
Post-contact habitation sites reported by Sam Carpenter as seen in his hand-sketched 
map of the Old Slate Falls Village in Figure 5.1.  
Figure 5.1, Sam’s hand drawn map, refer to Area I pg.136 for documented sample of 
Village.
 87
5.3 Site EgJv-5 - Sam’s Cabin 
EgJv-5 (Sam’s Cabin) is located on an elevated terrace overlooking North Bamaji 
Lake, with the site EgJv-6 located immediately to the east (Figure 5.2). To the 
immediate west of the terrace is a low swampy area with a large number of beaver 
felled trees (Figure 5.4). The locality is well-drained and mantled with mixed deciduous 
and conifer forest alongside dogwood, bearberry, wild rose, caribou lichen, club moss, 
blueberry, grasses, willow, and pin cherry. Visibility across the site is relatively poor due 
to saplings and small trees emerging amongst a forest floor scattered with fallen poplar 
trees. The site is undisturbed by forestry or mining, and soil exposure is minimal, with 
creeping underbrush and fescues covering silty sand. Soils in the site are relatively 
mottled for the first 10cm. The soil disturbance is a result of the banking of sand 
presumed from borrow pits, and possible cold storage or potato pits scattered 
throughout the site alongside numerous unidentifiable cultural depressions. 
EgJv-5 was given the site name ‘Sam’s Cabin’ due to its close proximity to 
locations that Sam Carpenter identified in a sketch map of his childhood home (refer to 
Figure 5.1). Whether or not this is actually the site of Sam's cabin remains unverified. 
The cabin walls are defined by a low ridge forming a rough square 5m x 5m. A gap in 
the ridge is noted in the southeast corner that is interpreted to be the entry point (Figure 
5.14, 6.7). This ridge is likely from insulating sand and sawdust banked against the 
outside cabin walls. Varying from 10cm to 50cm in height, this bank is now the only 
surface indicator of the cabin's existence. The site was located in 2017 via pedestrian 
survey and was cleared to allow drone imaging and photogrammetry. Later, a wide 
variety of historic materials were recovered from this locality.  
 88
To verify the nature of the potential structure in 2017, one test pit and one trench 
were excavated within the cabin and across one section of the ridge. The test pit is 
located in the south-western portion of the cabin and the trench bisects the wall in the 
northwestern corner. These excavations provide a view of the living floor and wall. The 
trench soil profile (Plate C.5 Pg.247) indicate that during the cultural occupation, 
sediment was dug from a nearby barrow pit and deposited on top of the original living 
surface. The redeposited soils are seen in the profile as a raised berm of mottled sand 
and shattered ungulate bones. Evidence of the decomposed cabin material can be seen 
in the sidewall of our trench. Additionally, this revealed the first indications of Pre-
contact occupation seen as quartzite flakes recovered 20cm below surface. The test pit 
recovered sections of plastic, possible shale flakes, and a feature indicative of heated or 
burnt dirt. It is likely that an open fire pit was used in the structure in the early years 
before a transition to wood-stoves. 
Figure 5.2, Discovered archaeological sites in Slate Falls with individual site maps 
overlaid (accessed in the following chapter with associated site numbers), red dots 
indicate clusters of cabin structures.
8  9
Once Pre-contact and early 20th century occupations were documented in 2017, 
we determined to return and archaeologically explore the immediate area. In 2018 a 
grid was established across the site with 500N 500E sitting 1m to the South of the SE 
corner of Sam’s cabin. 10 Shovel tests were conducted in 2018 along grid lines 
radiating out from the cabin to determine the extent of artifact scatters and the 
groupings of material (Figure 5.4). This made for a site total of 11 test-pits and one 
trench. FCR, flakes, bone and Post-contact materials were widely scattered throughout 
the site. The material assemblage of Pre-contact populations in the site is dominated by 
quartzite and shale debitage. 
Figure 5.3, Location of Sams Cabin/EgJv-5.
Archaeological investigations of EgJv-5 revealed a total of: 
● 177 Pre-contact Artifacts  
● 174 Post-contact artifacts 
● 182 Faunal Artifacts (of which 155 were identifiable bones)
 90
Figure 5.4, Sams Cabin/EgJv-5 site overview.
9  1
In order to recover additional information, a sweeping metal detector survey was 
conducted to assess the nature and extent of historic metallic materials and their pattern 
around and within the cabin foundation. Teams of two covered an area of 300m2 with 
metal detector sweeps approximately 5m apart following parallel tracks and 
documented the location of metallic unconformities using a handheld GPS. Metallic hits 
were selectively chosen and investigated by localized probing, revealing that many were 
wire nails. However, a significant number of metal anomalies revealed unique, datable 
artifacts alongside Pre-contact artifacts disturbed by the Post-contact occupation, 
bioturbation or cryoturbation. 
Multiple historic features were located around the cabin (Figure 5.4). To the west 
lies a shallow potential barrow pit where soil was removed for the mounding of cabin 
walls. Middens are widely scattered around the cabin locality with the trend increasing 
downslope towards the shoreline. Depressions and indentations litter the living floor 
behind the cabin to the north. One large square depression, likely the basement of an 
ice house or pantry, resides to the immediate north of Sam’s Cabin. An ovoid 
depression is located 30 meters to the east of the cabin, and may represent a storage 
pit. 
Further south along the water's edge, a large quantity of bottles and glassware 
were recovered, which if associated to the activity at Sams Cabin, further expands 
understandings of what goods were imported and important at the time. Medicine and 
alcohol bottles dominate the glassware assemblage. The bottles date 1890 to the 
Modern Era, which is loosely defined by the presence of suction marks on the base of 
the bottle (indicating wholly semi to fully automated bottle manufacturing (O. Jones et al, 
1988)). It's possible that bottles saw continued reuse as containers would likely be used 
until they no longer would have function.  
 92
5.3.a Excavation Xu510-498  
Located at grid coordinates 510 N 498 E (Figure 5.6), this 1 by 1 m excavation is 
approximately five meters to the north of Sams Cabin. A large accumulation of bones 
and metallic wood stove legs prompted the excavation. Leaf litter along with forest floor 
materials were swept off the unit as a precursor to removing sediment in five centimetre 
intervals. Once below the leaf litter and loam a large rock was exposed. Brief inspection 
of the cobble indicated battering, suggesting it was used as an anvil. A scatter of 
decomposed wood aligns directly with the pile of wood-stove legs. Many split ungulate 
leg bones lie scattered in the southwest corner.  
Figure 5.6, Excavation Unit 510N-498E, trowel indicates north.
 93
This unit was excavated through three levels to a maximum depth of 15cm, with 
artifact distributions illustrated in Plate C.1 & C.2 of Appendix C, Pg. 244 & 245. Note 
the relative lack of artifact clustering in the SE and NW corners. A square charcoal-filled 
depression in the NW quadrant could have a utilitarian purpose but its function is 
unknown. As well, a small pit exists to the SE with unknown use. 
  
Figure 5.5, Multiple bone beamers, recovered from XU 510N 498E. 
5.3.b Surface Stripping 396N 395E 
Excavation of a midden feature located south of Sam’s Cabin (Plate C.8, Pg. 
249) revealed a large amount of bone, calcined bone, and historic-period manufactured 
materials (iron scraps, tin cans, glass fragments). The midden was discovered through 
the use of metal detection in the 2017 field season and was surface stripped in 2018. 
The midden is located on a sloping section of bedrock that undulates downslope 
towards the lakeshore. 
9  4
The feature offers insight into food choice at the time of cabin occupation. The 
feature recoveries are dominated by organics; primarily bone and ash, with a majority of 
the identifiable faunal assemblage deriving from moose and hare. Intermingled with the 
faunal materials, a wide variety of historic materials were found in the midden, including 
canned food containers, cutlery, and china tableware. The glass recovered in the 
midden indicated a longer date range for the use of the midden than was first thought.  
Sediment samples were collected and micro-screened to look for smaller 
materials that were not observed in the field. Examination of a hammerstone found 
intermixed with cans in the surface stripping revealed pecking indicative of a multiple 
use lifespan. This could have likely been used for the same purpose many times, 
hundreds if not thousands of years after its initial use. One section of micro-shatter from 
Gunflint Formation Taconite (common in the Thunder Bay area) was discovered in a 
0.5mm micro-screen (Figure 5.10). As well a hammer stone found intermixed with cans 
in the surface stripping and was pecked on opposing sides. This these Pre-contact 
material bolsters evidence for prolonged use of the site area, but also create difficulties 
in determining Pre-contact deposits from Post-contact deposits. 
Figure 5.7 Moose 
maxilla recovered 
from S.S 396N 
395E.
 95
5.3.c Recovered Bones 
Ungulate and hare bones account for the primary faunal food sources found. 
Under-representation of fish, small mammals and birds is likely due to weathering 
processes, and the use of 1/4 inch screens creating sample bias. Many small and 
calcined bone fragments were recovered, indicating extensive grease production (bone 
smashing) as well as the disposal of bone and food waste into a hearth fire or a burning 
midden. Bone tool use is well represented in the site, with multiple bone beamers and 
bone scraping tools found. Such bone tools likely were used to process hides and to 
strip furs. File marks were noted on a section of rib which could have been made into a 
bone knife. Their manufacturing and use would have been conducted near Excavation 
Unit 510N-498E which was interpreted as an expedient workshop. 
Cut marks observed on bone provided ample evidence of steel tools. Some 
easily identifiable steel cut marks include the deep sharp-edged cuts (or chop marks 
resulting in bone fractures) common to axes (Figure 5.8), and the flat lines and 
serrations associated with steel saws, or in one case steel files (Figure 5.16). Saw 
marks on bone were often noted to be associated with ungulate skulls. Sawed and split 
skulls might indicate the harvesting of brains for fat rendering or for brain tanning of 
hides; a common and traditional practice still used to this day. 
 96
Figure 5.8, Bone showing 
evidence of axe butcher marks.
Figure 5.9, Caribou bone 
tool, hide scraper.
9  7
Table 5.1, EgJv-5, Faunal Table 5.2 MNI
Recoveries Species Minimum 
Species Count Weight Number of 
Individuals
Caribou 1
Bone fragments 106 127g
CF. Martin 1
Calcined bone 358 38.8g
Deer 1
Caribou 6 433g Duck 1
Charred bone 2 7.1g Ermine 1
fragments
Fish 1
Deer 1 1.4g Fox 1
Duck 5 1.7g Hare 3
Goose 1 3.5g Moose 1
Hare 29 49.4g Clamshell 1
Large ungulate 12 450.7g Table 5.3 EgJv-5 Lithics
Large mammal 18 202.5g Material Frequency Weight   
Type
Loon 2 7.8g (g) 
Quartzite 83 348.7
Lynx 4 23g
Quartz 5 10.62
Martin 1 0.1g
Sandstone 11 3.8
Mammal 11 255.6g Shale 30 427.8
Moose 47 5.03kg Slate 2 54.5
Pike 1 6g Siltstone 5 8.71
Small mammal 4 1g Chalcedony 1 0.7
Argilite 3 6.5
Turtle 5 0.7g
Chert 6 2.8
Ungulate 9 201g Taconite 1 0.1
Woodchuck 1 1g Glass Flake 1 0.1
9  8
5.3.d Lithic Materials  
Locally sourced lithic materials dominate the Pre-
contact artifact assemblage. Quartzite and shale account for 
three-quarters of lithic remains recovered. Argillite, another 
locally sourced material, is seen in surrounding rock 
outcroppings and fragments of worked material are 
scattered throughout the site. Hudson Bay Lowland Cherts 
had been noted in local glacial tills. Multiple kinds of 
materials including cherts, chalcedony, quartz, argillite and Figure 5.10, Taconite micro-flake.
agate can be found in glacial tills deposited in the immediate 
area. Artifacts made of locally available materials are frequently expedient or large. 
Hammer stones and anvils were made of quartzite. Recovered chittos were made of 
shale and slate.  
Recovered exotic lithic material is seen in the form of one micro-flake of taconite 
from the Gunflint Formation of Thunder Bay area (Figure 5.10). This particular material 
is not typically found this far north of its source but has been observed in the Lac Seul. A 
single glass flake was also recovered near Sam’s cabin. Although there is a high 
probability for its accidental creation, glass tools recovered within a 2 km distance 
suggest intentional creation is a possibility. The flake found matches that of a thinning 
flake or retouch flake from a tool.  
 99
Figure 5.11, EgJv-5 Percentage of Lithics By 
Weight
1.01%
6.31%0.08%
0.32%
0.75%
0.01%
0.01% Quartzite Quartz
Sandstone Shale
40.34% Slate Siltstone
Chalcedony Chert
Argilite Taconite
Glass
49.50%
1.23%
0.44%
Figure 5.12, EgJv-5 Percentage of Lithics by 
Number 
1%
1%
4% 2%
1% 1%
3%
Quartzite Quartz
Sandstone Shale
Slate Siltstone 20%
Chalcedony Chert
Argilite Taconite 56%
Glass
7% 3%
1  00
5.3.e Post-Contact Materials  
Post-contact materials recovered from EgJv-5 are summarized below, and 
suggests habitation from the mid 1800’s ending in the mid 1900’s. This comparatively 
long time span likely reflects repeated occupation culminating in the cabin, and follows 
an ongoing use of imported goods, many of which have shorter use life and are more 
temporally diagnostic (such as cans and Ferric container ware). The use of metal 
detection was an integral part of studying EgJv-5. Metallic hits were recorded, mapped, 
and selectively probed. The distribution of these ‘strikes’ is illustrated in Figure 5.14. 
Nails were the most common material found, and most frequent of those were wire 
drawn nails. In descending order of frequency were; roofing tacks for sheet metal, 
tarpaper, shingles, and tacking nails. Dating pre-1900’s, a cut iron spike (1810-1900) (T. 
Visser 2000) was uncovered near Sam’s Cabin. Predating that, two handmade tacks for 
cabinetmaking or upholstery provide the earliest date for recovered nails from the mid 
1600’s to early 1800’s (T. Wells 1998). 
Frequently located in the same probes with nails were sections of broken glass 
deriving from windows, liniment bottles, face creams, alcohol bottles and ferric 
containers. Multiple types of glass seed beads manufactured in the late 1800’s were 
recovered (many of these seed bead types are still being sold to this day). A pile of 
bottles was located on the shores of Bamaji Lake near to Sam’s Cabin, and dated to the 
mid 1930’s. Window glass provided dateable seriation as the thickness of window glass 
has close chronological time associated with its manufacturing methods (Weiland, 
Jonathan 2009).  
Table 5.4 Window Glass
Location (Sam’s Thickness of Glass Relative Age 
Cabin)
LUBC-Prb35 2.3mm 1845-1885
LUBC-Prb9 2.7mm 1945-1915
LubC-Prb8 1.7mm thick 1840-1855
LUBC prb49 1.7 &2.8mm 1840-1855 & 
1900-1915 Figure 5.13, Hand-forged 
tacks.
TP-510N500E 3.98mm > 1845
1  01
North 
1) Cut open sheet metal fuel can 
2) Cast iron stove legs
3) Sheet metal airtight stove 71
4) Ungulate vertebrae & cut Iron sheet metal 
5) Paint can snap lid
6) Snap lid can
7) Section of roofing for stove pipe 
8) Sead beads, wire nail, bone tool, rivets & porcelaine 
9) Peivce of wire & clear glass 70 63
10) Spoon handle 3
11) Wire nail 5cm long 64
12) Sheet metal with nail holes 5 66
13) 4 seed beads & wire nail 656 61
14) 4 nails, stone tool, 1 button
15) 2.5” wire nail 67 4 62
16) Tin can 68
17) Wire nail spike
18) 5 wire nails 
19) Can lid 69
20) Tar paper. wire nails beads, tin foil
21) 3 strand wire 2
22) Single strand wire 
23) Minards Lindiment bottle 
24) 5 strand steel wire 40 39
25) Wire nail Can
26) Wire nail 1
27) 4 nails, 1 dime 
28) 1 nail, 1 quartzite flake 
29) 2 wire nails 66) Silver spoon 
30) Cast-iron peice 67) Can
31) Wire nail 68) Powdered milk can
32) Steel file 3269) Lard pail  
33) Wire nail 70) Snap top lid 36
34) Wire nail 71) Lard pail 3533
35) Wire nail & glass 72) Pop-top can Excavated Area 
36) 2 strand snare wire 38 41
37) Tin foil, bone, seed beads, nails 34 37 43 42
38) Wire nail & stone tool 31
39) Cut tin can 44
40) Snap top tin can 21 20 60 58
41) Snap top lid 5924 23
42) Quartzite tool, bone, nail 30 45
57
43) Wire whisk 22
44) Wire nail Banked Sand
45) Metal strapping 46 56
46) Nails,  bone, ceramic, porcelaine 4719
47) Nails, glass, tacks 17
48) Phalanges 18 16 49 48 54
49) Wire nails, stone flakes 14 50
50) Nails, flakes, .22 case, pin nail 29 28 26 13 15 52 55
51) 6 stone flakes 27 25 51
52) Phalanges & nails
53) Wire nail 12 11
54) Sheet metal with hole Unexplored Metal Detector Hits 
55) Wood stove leg(sheet metal)
56) Wire nail 76
57) Axe 9 53
58) Glass, wire spike, bone 10 8
59) Snare wire
60) Can
61) Sheet metal stove peice
62) Steel  stove cap 
63) Steel chimney, bird bone, cans 7
64) Snap top can, wire nail 5 meters 
65) Moose humerus 
Figure 5.14, Map of metallic recoveries from probing of Sam’s cabin.
 102
Evidence of metal scraps and sections of wood stoves were recovered both 
around and within the cabin structure. This also included three sections of re-purposed 
ferric sheet metal with holes cut to receive a stove pipe; a diagram of how this stove 
may have functioned can be seen in Figure 5.15. This sheet metal modification 
suggests the creation of heat-proof spacers to hold the stove pipe away from flammable 
roofing materials. Recovered ferric cans were predominantly condensed milk cans, lard 
buckets, and oil cans, but baking soda container lids are also a large contributor to the 
assemblage (Table 5.5). 
 Ferric container ware (cans) documented in EgJv-5, were widely scattered 
across the site, one small midden was located to the south of Sams Cabin. Of the 
documented cans in EgJv-5 approximately 1/3rd of documented container ware was 
modified. Modifications included, strainers, stove pipe fittings, handmade buckets, and 
numerous other miscellaneous modifications for undiagnosed functions or activities. 
Unidentifiable scraps of and ferric sheet metal were found commonly throughout the 
midden and were as well scattered throughput the site, further adding to the trend of 
container-ware modification. Cans had a wide range of dating, many have poor 
diagnostics dating between the late 19th century into the late 20th century. Diagnostic 
indicators could largely only be determined by manufacturing methods and closure 
types. When trade marks or labels were still present, higher degree of accuracy was 
made in determining manufactured timespans refer to Table 5.5. 
 103
Table 5.5 Ferric Containers EgJv-5
Type Diagnostic Element(s) Approx. Date Range Suggested Use
Sugar Refining Co. LTD Snap-top (paint) can, 1906-2008 Food/syrup
can labelling
Lard pail Friction fit lid, locking 1850’s+ Food/fats
seam
 Vacuum Oil Can Manufactures mark  1869-1931 Petrochemical
 Vacuum Oil can handle Manufactures mark  1869-1931 Petrochemical
Small can Vertically flanged lips, 1885 - 1940 Food
hole and cap closure
Kraft Dinner jar Labelling 1940’s Food, sauce
Magic Baking Powder Labelling 1897-1960 Food, baking
tin
 Modified lard pail  Double side seams 1859+ Food/fats
Modified can Hole in cap 1823-1940 Food/wet foods
Small can Tin on steel 1937+ Unknown
Square can Interior friction fit lid 1850+ Unknown
Modified oil can Manufactures mark  1869-1931 Petrochemical
Modified bucket Rolled sheet metal  1857+ Unknown
Narrow can Friction fit lid, tin on 1937+ Food 
steel 
Condensed milk Vent hole 1900-1980 Food/dairy
Bucket Double side seams 1890+ Unknown
Modified kerosene can Kerosene can 1860+ Petrochemical
Modified container Double side seams 1890+ Unknown
Modified oil can Rolled sheet metal  1857+ Petrochemical
Lard pail Friction fit lid, locking 1850’s+ Food/fats
seam
Lard pail Friction fit lid, locking 1850’s+ Food/fats
seam
Lard pail section Rolled sheet metal  1857+ Food/fats
 104
Summary of Post-contact Materials  
All relevant recovered or archaeological materials were logged in the excavation of site 
EgJv-5. In total, 403 samples, listed below, were inputted into the catalogue. 
Glass Entries: Seed beads, bottle wedge stopper, Ponds Facial Cream jar, liniment 
bottles, alcohol bottles, oil lamp fragments, mirror fragments and windowpane 
fragments. 
Metal Entries: Wire drawn carpentry nails (63, typically 2-3 inches in length), roofing 
nails (next most frequent), finishing nails (least frequent), one Type ‘B’ cut spike, hand 
forged tacks for cabinet making, steel files, 1” screws (possibly used for hafting tools 
like shovels or picks), door plate for door knob and lock, iron buckle for dog sled 
harness, latches, iron lids (for paint/snap top cans), various buttons, brass rivet for 
clothing. Refer to Table 5.5 for description of ferric container ware. 
Bone Entries: Multiple bone sections and identifiable bone with Post-contact markings 
such as saws and steel files are discussed in Faunal section 5.3.c, One bone button 
was recovered. 
Ceramic Entries: Ceramic shards, refined white earthenware from PAREE Johnson 
Brothers, (c.a. 1891-1915), stoneware fragments. 
Other: Charred lamp filaments, possible rubber section with metallic rivets, leather 
fragments. 
Plastics; PVC fragments, plastic flakes, one plastic button, one plastic gasket seal, 
tarpaper, and small sections of cotton clothing noted but not collected. 
1  05
5.3.f Site Summary and Interpretation 
EgJv-5 (Sam’s Cabin) is an old cabin foundation located upon a sprawling Pre-
contact archaeological site. The site was excavated in order to examine the cultural 
artifacts and subsistence remains of the early years of semi-permanent occupation 
(1890’s-1910). Recovered artifacts are primarily historic: iron scraps, glass, wire, tar-
paper, bone, and textiles. Much of the recovered faunal material is crushed, burnt or has 
evidence of steel cut marks. Historic materials found indicate the majority of the cabin’s 
occupation dates range from the 1870’s to 1950’s, with the highest concentration of 
goods indicating dates from the 1920’s to the 1930’s. 
Limited effort was made to recover Sams Cabin
prehistoric materials since the primary Sheet Metal Wood Stove
focus of the research is related to more 
recent occupations (Post-contact, 
Transitional). This limits the ability to 
interpret Pre-contact materials consistent 
w i th the d i scon t inuous reg iona l 
occupation over much of the past 7000 
years. No patterns for the Pre-contact 
recoveries have been noted other than a 
general trend of an increased count of 
artifacts closer to the shore of Bamaji 
20cm
Lake.  
EgJv-5 demonstrates severe 
mixing of prehistoric and historic 
technology, suggesting the site has likely 
been used for many millennia. Nearby Figure 5.15, Interpretation of recovered artifact 
EgJv-8 dates to the Laurel Period (2,000 assemblage, recreating used handmade 
woodstoves. 
BP). Frequent artifacts located in the 
 106
surrounding area are found to be from the Archaic Period 
(Egjv-3, & EgJv-7/Emily’s site). 
Materials recovered from the site suggest patterns 
that reflect traditional practises using a mix of Indigenous 
and imported technology, and careful curation and re-use 
of valued raw materials. Perpetuation of traditional 
activities is exemplified by the stone anvil found at 
Excavation Unit 510N 498E that is thought to have been 
used to smash fresh bones for grease and marrow 
extraction. Similar stone artifacts from Pre-contact 
occupations were noted in sites EgJv-9 and EgJv-6, in Figure 5.16, Bone-knife 
which flat-topped rocks were shaped and utilized as food made by sharpening a rib 
with a steel file.
processors. Oral tradition links the use of flat rocks to 
anvils on which bones could be placed on and struck with an axe to crack and shatter 
them for grease and marrow rendering (Sam Carpenter 2018). I speculate that these 
stone anvils such as the one in Figure 5.6 would have acted as a multi-functioning 
platform also to be used for the modification of bone, organics, and purchased or found 
sheet metal containers. Intermixed with Pre-contact materials a hammer stone was 
recovered during surface stripping Midden 496N 495E. 
Crushing and boiling of bone was used to render fats from fresh bone. Frying and 
cooking over the fire was conveyed by Sam to be an important method of cooking. 
Grease would be collected as it dripped off a roasting carcass. Calcined bones, and 
bone fragments are typical archaeological indications of such activities and are 
widespread throughout the site.  
 107
Wire products such as barbed wire, baling wire, and wire rope became 
widespread after the development of the Bessemer steel manufacturing process in 
1876. Recovered metallic artifacts provided clues to subsistence, economic standing, 
goods purchasing, and the Post-contact occupation of the site. The presence of canned 
foods and luxury goods begin to shed light on a way of living that slowly transforms from 
the traditional ways of life over time, perhaps due reduced transportation efforts. 
Dogsled, the railway, cat-trains (bulldozer drawn sleigh convoys), and eventually ice 
roads were all similar in the fact that they allowed for faster shipping and the ability to 
bring goods farther into Northwestern Ontario. Liniment bottles and facial creme jars 
have a strong standing in the material assemblage, showing that purchasing ability is 
still limited and needs to have significant importance in order to be acquired.  
Results from the surface stripping of the midden and analysis of the ferric cans 
suggest repeated or successive occupation of the locality. The cut ferric and metal cans, 
and fuel containers are indicative of modification for reuse as parts of stove piping. 
Many of the cans have been cut so as to funnel down and friction fit into another pipe 
(Figure 5.15). Kerosene and oil cans were frequently cut and reformed for new 
purposes (refer to plate C.6 Pg. 248). 
Frequently, recovered bones do not correlate to subsistence hunting; one must 
also consider refuse from trapping. Sam relays that mink, martin, and lynx were 
frequently not eaten. These animals would be typically trapped during the winter 
months, for higher quality furs. Recovered fur-bearing animal remains such as lynx and 
martin are considered the result of trapping, potentially indicating a winter presence in 
the Sam’s Cabin area; a hypothesis subsequently confirmed by Elsie Sakakeesic (refer 
to Chapter 7.5 page 205). 
 108
An interesting feature was uncovered in Excavation Unit 510N 498E, which 
included an stone anvil, multiple bone beamers and bone tools along with the evidence 
of a decomposed log. Interpretations of the excavation indicate that this is a workshop, 
and most likely a hide beaming work area where hair was removed from half-processed 
hides. The scatter of decomposed wood material is interpreted to be a log propped 
against the anvil and pinned between the metal wood stove legs. A similar set up to the 
proposed interpretation can be viewed in Plate B.2 where a Ojibwe woman uses a bone 
beamer against a log propped against a tree Ca.1919. A pelt would be placed atop the 
log and bone beamers would be used to strip the hair. Pecking and striations on the 
stone anvil indicate sharpening, pounding, grinding and tool manufacturing. This 
assessment is further bolstered by scatters of bone flakes seen around the anvil (refer 
to Figure 5.6). Oral testimony from Sam Carpenter indicated that flat stones would be 
used as an anvil to break bones (per. com. 2018). As well, the production of pemmican 
was described by Elsie Sakakeesic; this was done by pounding dried meat on flat stone 
surfaces with the butt of an axe or a hammer (per. com. 2021). Multiple small 
depressions were found around the stone anvil, but their function is unknown. 
1  09
5.4 Site EgJv - 6 (Bonecrush) 
Figure 5.17, View of Bonecrush by boat.
EgJv-6 is located in a clearing upon an elevated bedrock-controlled terrace 
overlooking the north shore of Lake Bamaji. The site is 50m east of Sams Cabin and 
approximately half a kilometre west of the main Old Slate Falls settlement (Figure 5.2). 
It is well drained, with the immediate surrounding ecology consisting of birch and poplar 
forest alongside dogwood, bearberry, wild rose, caribou lichen, club moss, blueberry, 
grasses, willow, and pin cherry. Soil exposure is minimal but occasional sections of 
bedrock are visible. A cut bank created by wave erosion has formed along the south 
edge of the site, exposing occasional FCR and historic implements such as files and 
axe heads, particularly during times of low water.  
The bedrock formed a step-like pattern giving the site a multi-tiered surface. The 
clearing extends approximately 10m back from the shoreline and gains 5m elevation 
from the waters edge to the uppermost tier. The clearing stretches along the shoreline 
approximately 100m. Visibility across the site is quite good, and the entirety of the 
bedrock clearing can be seen from any point. The site offers a good vantage point to 
view the lake and the surrounding shores. The landscape surrounding Bonecrush was 
subjected to minor ground disturbance in the form of cabin foundations and pit toilets 
displacing soil near foundations. No foundations were noted in EgJv-6. Selective 
logging and First Nations recreational use created modest subsurface impact to EgJv-6. 
 110
Figure 5.18, Position of EgJv-06 with site map insert.
Figure 5.19, Sketch map of Site EgJv-6.
1  11
Following the identification of a historic cabin foundation in EgJv-5, remote 
sensing equipment was utilized to locate nearby cultural features and metallic objects. 
Metal detector hits ranging from 5-12 KHz were selectively probed. Probes that 
uncovered historic or archaeological materials were marked to be further test 
excavated. Subsequently, selective shovel testing would be conducted in the bedrock 
clearing 50m east of the historic cabin foundation of Sams Cabin. 
Surveying began with twelve judgementally selected shovel tests throughout the 
clearing on August 23rd, 2017 in sunny, clear conditions. Of the tests, seven were 
positive and determined the extent of Bonecrush to be approximately 30m NW to SE 
and 10m SW to NE. The site likely extends for 20 more meters further eastwards along 
the bedrock clearing beyond the tested area. Time constraints prevented further 
exploration of this site. Shovel tests revealed that much of the site is widely dispersed 
camp debris indicative of extensive food processing and butchering. Figure 5.22 
displays ratios of recovered bone in the artifact assemblage. The majority of collected 
materials consist of burnt bone fragments and identifiable bones. Six modified bone 
fragments have been collected and were deemed possible bone tools based on the 
markings present (Table 5.7). There were 122 total catalogue entries for materials 
processed on the site; 70 bone entries (many having multiple fragments), 4 glass 
entries, 1 refined white earthenware entry, and 19 metal entries.  
  
 112
5.4.a Recovered Lithic Materials 
Both historic and prehistoric materials are closely associated with each other; 
resulting in a poor stratigraphic differentiation between the two. A wide variety of 
artifacts from Bonecrush indicate multiple occupations; Pre-contact, Post-contact and 
Modern. In total 30 Pre-contact artifacts were collected.  
FCR was noted in every positive shovel test but was selectively collected and 
catalogued. Plates Appendix C, Pg. 251 reveal Pre-contact artifacts recovered from 
EgJv-6. Few identifiable artifacts were excavated. They are described in the proceeding 
sentences. A shale stone tool was located on top of bedrock and was determined to be 
a chitto; a cutting or smashing instrument associated with butchering or hide processing 
(Figure 5.21). What is interpreted as a dolomite mortar fragment was found intermixed 
with historic material and shattered bone. A recovered spalled section of fine grained 
granite was located with burnt and calcined bone and is likely an expedient tool. 
Recovered lithic material in EgJv-6 is dominated by shale and quartzite, followed by 
dolomite, argillite quartz and Hudson Bay Lowland Chert (Figure 5.24). 
 Scatters of stone flakes occur deeper into the light tan sands. High weight and 
frequency of shale and quartzite are indicators of expedient tool use and primary 
manufacturing using localized materials.  
1  13
Table 5.5, EgJv-6 Lithic Materials
Material Frequency Weight (g)
Shale 1 99.1
Primary
Shale 7 17.8
Secondary
Shale 6 4
Figure 5.20, Artifact # TPCS01-08, section Teritiary
of possible mortar stone fragment. Refer to 
Artifact # Tr.CS,ZK01-01 (Figure 5.36) for Shale 2 35.5Shatter
similar artifact seen in nearby site EgJv-9.
Shale 1 36
Utilized 
Shale Tool 1 734
Quartzite 1 7
Utilized
Quartzite 2 1.6
Teritiary 
Quartzite 1 5.8
Shatter
HBLC 1 0.4
Secondary
HBLC 1 0.5
Primary
Argillite 1 17.8
Shatter 
Granite 1 18
Utilized
Granite 26 382
FCR
Figure 5.21, Large cutting tool (shale 
Chitto).
1  14
5.4.b Recovered Faunal Materials  
Recovered faunal materials are consistent with 
Table 5.6, EgJv-6 MNI
local fauna in the immediate area (Table 5.6). Under 
Minimum 
representation of large ungulates and other mammals Number of 
Individuals
in the MNI (minimum number of individuals) is due to 
the intensive processing of bones for marrow and Hare 3
grease, indicated by large amounts of crushed and Ermine 1
burnt bone. 638 pieces of burnt bone fragments were 
Duck 1
recovered weighing 343g. While 62 bone fragments 
were recovered weighing 138g. Within the faunal Caribou 1
sample 23 identifiable bones were found (Figure 5.22). 
C.F. Martin 1
 Six possible bone tools were identified with the Deer 1
discovery of these modified faunal elements. All of Moose 1
these possible bone tools are made from large mammal 
bone. Polish, flaking, grinding and shaping were the key Fish 1
indicators for the identification of these possible bone Clamshell 1
tools (Table 5.7). These artifacts were easily identifiable 
Fox 1
within the relative shattered nature of the faunal 
sample. 
Table 5.7, Modified Bone
● TPCS01-28 - Has polishing on burnt bone along with cut marks  
● TPCS01-10 - Fractured section of beamer, or could act as perforator  
● TPHKM9-05 - Polish and flaking possibly scraper or fleshing tool  
● TPCS02-05 - Polish, burnt and flaking 
● TPCS02-06 - Possible bone tool with cut marks on bone 
● TPCS02-07 - Possible bone tool
 115
Faunal Material by Frequency 
(Figure 5.22)
4.6%
3.6%
Identifiable Bone
Burnt Bone
Unidentifiable Bone
91.8%
5.4.c Recovered                          
Historic Materials 
Various historic cultural remains were recovered in EgJv-6 spanning from the 1850’s to 
the 1910’s 
● Lead fragments: 2 - Both bullet fragments, unidentifiable. 
● One fired bullet, likely 38-55 Winchester (ca.1875-1940), or a .40-60 Winchester (ca.
1884 - 1934): based on caliber, weight, and style, light mushrooming hampers 
confidence of the ID. 
● Nails: 6. 
● Finishing nails and wire nails; all from 1911 onwards. 
● Screws: 11. 
● Brass artifacts from a pocket watch: 3 - gears and watch backing, no exterior, likely 
silver, gold or brass, stripped and not found on site, likely sold, traded or gifted after 
the utilitarian purpose of the watch ceased. 
● One spring loaded beaver trap. 
● Sheet metal trimmings: 6 at 12.13g, 1 at 1.3 Trimming of sheet metals like tin cans 
and oil containers gives insight to extensive reuse of implements and materials 
present at the site. 
● Iron fragments: 8 at 17.14g , 33 at 30g. 
● One railway workers coverall button dating 1900-1910.
 116
5.4.d EgJv-6 Site Interpretation 
The recoveries from the Bonecrush Site indicate an occupation which predates 
that of Sams Cabin. This time span includes Pre-contact periods extending into the 
1850’s up to the 1920’s. During this latter period there seems to be a persistent use of 
traditional technologies intermixed with the modern. The surface-recovered chitto and 
expedient flakes were possibly manufactured in early contact times. Additionally, the 
dolomite ground stone is likely used in conjunction with the Transitional and Historic 
occupation. This is consistent with evidence from EgJv-5 of ground stone tools 
associated with 1930’s items (refer to Plate C.15) and oral testimony from Sam 
Carpenter indicating that flat stones would be used as an anvil to break bones, as well 
the production of pemmican was done by pounding dried meats on flat stone surfaces 
with the butt of an axe or a hammer (Elsie Sakakeesic per. com. 2021). Close 
association with modern materials lends credence to the idea that ground stone tools 
would be found and re-used for similar purposes as they were traditionally. 
The use of localized material is a 
frequent and well noted part of life at Old Slate 
Falls, as evidenced by the large amount of 
bone tools present, persistence of lithic 
technology, and persistence of flintknapping 
into the historic period. The discovery of a 
chitto at EgJv-6 suggests that flintknapped 
tools may have been used in the Transitional 
Period. However, due to lack of defined  Figure 5.23 Railway workers 
stratigraphy, the last use date remains coverall button with relief in pencil, dating 1900-1910.
uncertain. The site is largely composed of 
materials indicating midden dumps. 20 
prehistoric artifacts were recovered during subsurface testing. The majority of recovered 
cultural remains were bone. Most of the bone was pulverized and crushed, with a large 
 117
assemblage being burnt or calcined.The recover of large amounts of crushed and burnt 
bone from EgJv-6 indicates intensive grease processing. 
 A bullet recovered in TPCS-02 has speckling on the base which is indicative of 
black-powder propellant. Other diagnostic features on the projectile include a conical 
lead bullet, conical base for expansion to rifling groves and grease grooves. Bullet 
weight, diameter, style, material, and propellent, indicates this was most likely a .38-55 
Winchester (ca.1875-1940), or a .40-60 Winchester (ca.1884 - 1934) (refer to Figure 
7.2). 
Both historic and prehistoric materials are closely associated, resulting in a poor 
stratigraphic differentiation which lends credence to a Transitional Period. A wide variety 
of artifacts from Bonecrush indicate multiple occupations: Pre-contact, Transitional, 
Post-contact, and Modern. Much of the metallic material found is more decomposed 
than the recoveries at Sams Cabin; being consistently smaller and more heavily 
processed. Intermixed with watch components and a jumble of crushed bone, was one 
railway worker’s coverall button dating from between 1900 to 1910. This could indicate 
possible interactions with the railway-supplied businesses or individuals operating at 
Hudson and Lac Seul. The Bonecrush site is indicative of two cultural periods historic 
and prehistoric, due to a lack of identifiable artifacts no cultural identification can be 
placed onto the prehistoric assemblage. 
Figure 5.24, Artifact material by 
Frequency*
3%
Shale 6%
3%
Quartzite
HBLC 8%
Quartz 3%
Modified Bone 3% 44%
Argilite 3%
Dolomite
Porcelain
Lead 17%
Ceramic
Brass 3%3%6%
Tin 
 118
5.5 Site EgJv - 7 - Mckenzie Beach  
Mckenzie Beach is a fine sand beach forming a 30 meter long shallow cove. The 
sandy banks yielded artifacts of Modern, Post-contact, and Pre-contact origins. 
Buildings making up part of the most recent phase of Old Slate Falls Village are located 
overlooking this cove containing EgJv-7. Other features cluster around the site, and 
include a radio tower, an administration office, the Mackenzie grocery store, an outfitters 
lodge and tourist operation. The Mackenzie cabins are detailed in Ch. 6.3 Pg. 154. 
There were 23 catalog entries for this site, with 30 collected artifacts. A portion of 
the cultural material is illustrated in Figure 5.27. A large amount of shattered and broken 
white earthenware and some white glass fragments were observed in the locality. 
Quartzite dominates the assemblage, but other more unique materials such as HBLC 
(Hudson Bay Lowlands Chert), and Taconite can be seen. A ground/perforated 
pipestone disk may have been a part of ceremonial or decorative wear, consistent with 
the glass embroidery beads found in the fine sands (Figure 5.27). 
Figure 5.25, Site placement of Mackezies Beach.
 119
McKenzie Beach (EgJv-7) North
Surface Find 
McKenzie Cabins 
Waterfront
10 M
Figure 5.26, Site map of EgJv-7 surface find locations.
Figure 5.27, Recovered artifacts from 2017, six flakes, one 
pipestone disk fragment (top row, 3 in from the left), one quartzite 
cone-core (first from the right), one paper shotgun casing.
1  20
5.5.a. Site interpretation Table 5.7, EgJv-7 Artifacts 
Artifact Frequenc Weight (g)
The Mackenzie storefront and cabins on y
Mackenzie Beach were intensively utilized, with Quartzite core 1 42.8
the last iteration of use being the retail store White 2 6.2
operated by Alexander MacKenzie who also earthenware 
shard
managed the 1960's sport-fishing outfitters 
Medicine bottle 
camp. The fine grained sand beach is 1 22.6
bottom 
particularly unique in the surrounding area, 
Ponds Creme 1 6.7
which is mostly bedrock outcroppings or cobbled jar fragment
beaches. A wide variation of stone flakes was Jasper flake 1 0.53
recovered, and it's likely that the beach would Fancy glass 1 22.7
have been used as a landing location into the ware bottom
more distant past. HBLC tertiary 1 .75
flake
An interesting mix of artifacts can be Fine grain sand 1 0.46
stone tertiary 
seen, and it's quite likely that with increased 
12 Gauge brass 1 0.53
subsur face tes t ing , a more comple te 
HBLC shatter 2 5.2
archaeological assemblage for Slate Falls dating 
Dime 1960 1 2.2
from the 1600’s to the 1800’s could be 
Taconite chert 1 0.2
uncovered in this location. One perforated and flake
shattered stone disk made of what appears to Quartzite 4 10.2
be pipestone is found in the water (Figure 5.27). tertiary flakes 
Perhaps this piece consider it to be a pendant or Quartz biface 1 36
jewelry. It is likely a prehistoric artifact, but Quartz shatter 3 7.5
manufacturing methods are not congruent with Ball? 1 8
an identifiable age range.  Quartzite flake 1 6.5
secondary
CF Flake glass 1 1.4
Ceramic flake 1 0.4
Pipestone 1 1.1
fragmented disk
 121
Multiple seed beads were recovered in this location as well, which would have 
shed from moccasins and other beaded works, and could date from the 1800's through 
to the Modern period. Historic seed beads made in Bohemian workshops are currently 
still in circulation, complicating dating methods. Modern plastic seed beads are also 
found in this location with some beaded trinkets and jewelry seen in Plate C.17. 
Figure 5.28, Drone imagery of Mackezies Beach, 2017.
 122
5.6 Site EgJv-8 - Emily’s Site 
 Emily’s Site is located along the shore overlooked by the house in modern Slate 
Falls where the crew lived during our fieldwork (Figure 5.30). It was discovered on the 
lakeshore exposed by low water levels while crew members used it for swimming. Once 
artifacts were noted, a more systematic pedestrian survey was conducted to ascertain 
the expanse and amount of material along the shoreline.  
The low water level exposed a 2-3 meters wide cobble beach along the whole 
shorefront of New Slate Falls. Multiple dock cribs that represent the rock filled 
foundations of docks exist along this section of beach, but most are derelict and have 
fallen into disrepair after vehicular travel became widespread in the community. Only a 
small section of the cobbled beach was surveyed. Recovered materials from this site 
date from the Archaic period to the Transitional Pre-contact period. Likely to be an 
Archaic instrument, a ground stone biface illustrated in Figure 5.32 was likely used as a 
chopping or smashing tool. A core of HBLC was found in among the cobbles. It appears 
to have been heat treated and is thought to be an expended core. Two utilized flakes 
Figure 5.29, Site placement of Emily’s Site.
 123
were found on the beach along with multiple other sets of flakes. Quartzite, and granite 
primarily make up the materials found at the site. 
 Most notable in the Pre-contact artifacts from the site are two flintknapped, glass 
bottle bases. Both bottles are amber in colour, have cylindrical bodies with shallow 
concave bases, and are embossed with “Made in Canada” (Figure 5.31). Bottle A. 
(reference Figure 5.31) has numerous shaping flakes creating a right angled unifacially 
flaked tool, which most resembles a side scraper or a burin/scraper. Possible grinding is 
noted on the ‘upper lip’ of the container where the bottle upturns from the base. Bottle B. 
(reference Figure 5.3) appears to be a cutting implement and has less diagnostic 
evidence of flaking and tool manufacturing; identifiable flakes are larger and taken at 
more acute angles akin to thinning flakes. Flaking is only noted on one half of the base 
and no evidence of edge grinding is noted. Possible use-wear is seen but is cannot be 
confirmed due to the exposed nature of the artifacts and the evidence of erosional 
processes noted on the artifacts.  
Figure 5.30, Site map showing surface find locations.
 124
A B
Figure 5.31, Two flintknapped bottle bases, A.: cutting tool with ground dorsal edge, B.: 
Scraper with multiple shaping flakes. Ca. 1850 - 1910.
  
 The two bottle bases exhibit 3 piece mold-seams (bottom and two sides), and the 
presence of suction marks is evident, indicating semiautomatic or automatic machine 
blown Ca. late 19th century onwards (Olive Jones et.al. 1989). According to the Bill 
Lindsey (2021) bottles with suction scars in the U.S. date no earlier than 1905. Refer to 
Plates C.15 and C.16, pg.275 for additional photographs and resources. 
Figure 5.32, Recoveries from Emily’s site 2017, Centre piece is a 
large chopping and crushing groundstone tool.
 125
Table 5.8, EgJv-8 Artifacts-1
Artifact type Number Weight Relative date 
White earthenware mug with 1 44.5 Stoneware with Albany slip - 
flake scars 1800’s-1940’s 
Basalt ground stone tool 1 762 7000-2000
Heat treated chert core 1 46.5 Pre-contact 
Groundstone pestle 1 777 Pre-contact 
quartzite
CF bowdrill weight 2 209 & 103 Pre-contact 
sandstone
Quartz primary flake 1 29.2 Pre-contact 
Shist CF perforator 1 21.2 Pre-contact 
CF Atlatl knock 1 8.3 Pre-contact 
CF nucracker 1 742 Pre-contact 
Opaque glass plate 1 54
Utilized flake silicate 1 6 Pre-contact 
Scilicified sandstone 1 2.6 Pre-contact 
secondary 
Utilized shale flake 1 4 Pre-contact 
secondary 
Glass scraper 1 25.5 1850’s to the 1910’s
Glass cutting tool 1 41.6 1850’s to the 1910’s
5.6.a Site Interpretations 
 EgJv-8 yields a small assemblage of Historic and prehistoric materials ranging 
from the Archaic to the Modern Period. Multiple possible ground stone tools were 
recovered and are interpreted as an atlatl knock, perforator, mortar, pecked stone 
implements and ground stone splitting tool. The ground stone tool, found on the cobbled 
beaches, which would have been used for splitting and cracking bone. Bifaces such as 
this played an important role in the processing of bones for grease production, in order 
to fracture strong cortical bones. Bifaces of this sort have a long history of use, being 
recovered from sites dating from the Archaic Period (7000 BP), through to the Late 
Woodland Period (2000 BP) (Personal communications with Clarence Surrette and 
 126
Scott Hamilton 2018). Local Archaic implements were identified in 1994 at EgJv-3, 
which supports the inference of the archaic nature of some found ground stone 
implements. The limited number of archaeological sites reported in Borden Block EgJv 
likely reflects the very limited level of research in the region.  
Two flintknapped bottles and one flintknapped earthenware mug are seen as 
diagnostic artifacts of the Transitionary Period. The glass artifacts are made from the 
concave bottom of brown bottles (perhaps beer bottles). Two different tools have been 
fashioned; a scraper and a blade or knife. Interpretations on these artifacts indicate 
expedient tool use in the event of butchering a recent kill. The evidence of chipped and 
flaked bottles presents the situation in which prehistoric techniques are being used on 
modern materials. Inhabitation of EgJv-8 is seen as a place where tradition persists, 
where modern materials were used in conjunction with old knowledge and techniques. 
Adding to the evidence of a Transitional Phase, parallel flake scars are seen on the 
surface of the broken earthenware vessel (Plate C.14). The artifact dates from the 
1800’s till the 1940’s based on a dark brown slip thought to be Albany Slip; a pottery 
type manufactured near NewYork (Stelle 1989). The flaking is interpreted as a test of 
the material to see if it is workable. It should be noted that according to the Carpenter 
family no memories or knowledge of flintknapping occurred in recent history. It is 
possible these traditions persisted among alternate families and the knowledge of 
routine occurrences were lost. 
Figure 5.33, View north from 
Emily’s Site, the beach 
continues the entire way along 
the shoreline of Slate Falls.
 127
5.7 Site EgJv - 9 - Pepsi & Flipflop 
Pepsi and Flipflop is located on an elevated terrace overlooking a slope leading 
to Lake Bamaji to the south (Figure 5.35). This site is located 120 m northwest from 
Sams Cabin and was discovered by Clarence Surrette and Zeb Kawei while metal 
detecting. Originally the site was thought to be a part of a dilapidated cabin indicated by 
a dirt bank 3 ft long by 1 ft high and 1 ft wide. This small feature was cross-sectioned in-
order to see if the exterior was the walls of a cabin foundation. Testing negative for a 
cabin foundation, a lack of organic materials found, it likely derives from sediment 
displacement from a toppled tree. However, archaeological remains were discovered in 
the soil beneath and inside the berm. One shovel test was dug and expanded into a 
trench, and five further shovel tests were conducted, and the extension of the initial 
shovel test into a trench revealed a use of ground-stone technology, and a large amount 
of FCR and crushed bone. One fragment of pottery was located in an extended shovel 
test (a trench), a completely unique find in this study. It would later be identified as 
Laurel belonging to the Middle Woodland Period (Ca. 2200-1000 YBP). Screens with a 
¼” weave were used in the sifting of the soil. Soil samples were collected in hopes of 
further fine screening and sentiment microanalysis. The employment of finer screens 
might have increased the yield of pottery sections from this location. 
Figure 5.34, Site placement of Pepsi & Flipflop site.
 128
The pottery seen in Figure 5.37 is a section of rim-sherd pottery with granite grit, 
a light slip, paddle stamping, drag stamp and dentates. All these features are typical of 
Middle Woodland period pottery (personal discussions with Jill Taylor Hollings, and Brad 
Hyslop 2018). One possible bone tool, a perforator or awl, bearing polish indicative of 
EgJv-9 (Pepsi & Flipflop)
Sams Cabin
Slope South to Lake Shore
01 04
Tr.
05
03
02
North
5 M
Figure 5.35, Site Maps for EgJv-9.
 129
frequent use was noted in the recovered assemblage. Two recovered artifacts were 
interpreted by three archaeologists on site and in the lab to be expedient ground stone 
tools. This was based on striations, and isolated areas of polish and uniformity. Full 
confirmation could only be attained through more detailed analysis in searching for 
starches or other residues. The tools could also act as hammer and anvils and pecking 
on the larger flat surface of one of the tools indicate it may have been used for both 
(Figure 5.36). FCR found was highly crenelated and finely broken in an unusually dense 
concentration as compared to what would normally be recovered in a hearth feature.  
Table 5.9, EgJv-9 Artifacts
Artifact Frequency Weight (g)
Sandstone 1 1087
grinding stone 
Granite grinding 1 372
stone
Laurel rimsherd 1 4
cf dragstamp
HBLC utilized 1 6
flake
C.F. shale flake 1 2.8
HBLC 2 2.4
Scraper burin 1 101.5
tool fine grained 
granite
Figure 5.36, Possible Grinding stone.
FCR 10+ 500+
Bone fragments 63 69
C.F. Bone tool 1 0.5
 130
5.7.a Site Interpretations 
EgJv-9 is a prehistoric campsite on an 
elevated bluff overlooking Lake Bamaji. Artifact 
recoveries were composed of ground stone 
technology and a large amount of calcined and 
fragmented bone pieces. The presence of bone in 
this locality is somewhat unexpected since the 
acidic soils of the region are not conducive for bone 
preservation. Recovered heat altered stone was 
highly crenelated. No identifiable bone fragments 
were recovered, but much of the faunal material 
derives from large mammals. This is typical of 
winter occupation, when extensive marrow and 
grease processing was performed. 
Within the trench, one fragment of pottery Figure 5.37, Laurel rim-sherd.
was located in and would be identified as Laurel 
belonging to the Middle Woodland Period (Ca. 2,000-1200 BP). The high amount of 
ground stone technology present in the site indicates the likelihood of multiple kinds of 
material processing; however, no micro-botanical or residue analysis has been 
conducted to fully explore this. Due to the context and close association with bone 
fragments, the ground stone technology would also have functioned as hammer and 
anvil technology to crack and pulverize long bones.  
 131
5.8 Site EgJv - 10 - Adz 
EgJv-10 is an isolated find; a unifacially flaked quartz tool, found along the 
water's edge. The implement was found near the newer school house, close to EgJv-3 
where an archaic biface was located in the 1980’s. The small tool was located between 
two large cobbles along a section of cobble and boulder beach. Other large pieces of 
quartzite were seen in the area. The amount of wear would suggest the implement has 
been rolled in the water and might have some antiquity (Figure 5.39). The piece was 
located with a quartzite cobble, mistakenly identified as an adz preform. 
Figure 5.38, Location of Isolated find, EgJv-10.
5.8 a Site Interpretations 
One unifacial tool was found near the Newer School 
House, close to EgJv-3, where an Archaic biface was located in 
the 1980’s. The amount of wear would give this implement an air 
of great antiquity. The piece was located with a quartzite cobble, 
mistakenly identified as an adz preform. Interpretations on the 
location and amount of wear shown on the artifact hint that it may 
be of archaic origin. Figure 5.39, 
Unifacial tool.
 132
1  33
Ch. 6, Results; Cabin Documentation and Features 
Introduction  
 Chapter six documents some of the cabins and cultural features making up Old 
Slate Falls area scattered along the northern shores of Lake Bamaji. As the village 
expanded and as lifestyles transformed, a spatially defined sequence of village 
occupation is observed. The earliest construction is closest to the falls at the head of the 
lake, and spread east and south along the Lake Bamaji shores following the multiple 
phases of the village and the Slate Falls cultural landscape. Cabins reveal frequent 
evidence of reuse and many are refurbished creating significant overlap in the 
documentation of distinctive areas of habitation. These locations have been categorized 
by the construction methodologies and tools employed in creating the structures. 
These larger general habitation areas have been grouped and numbered according to 
the approximate settlement of the area sorted in roman numerals; one to four.  
I. 1800’s - 1970’s, Sam’s Cabin Map area near the falls. 
II. 1940’s - 1980’s, Eastward expansion along shoreline. 
III. 1950’s - 1990’s, Band office, weather tower, Mackenzie Operation. 
IV. 1980’s + Distinct building style, construction is provincially regulated. 
Area I, was identified to have been the original location for the Old Slate Falls Village 
providing an opportune location for fishing and river access. Area II can be found to the 
immediate east of the original village as houses and people moved further east, 
presumably in search of new building locations and firewood supplies. The third 
expansion is seen southeast around the bend of the shoreline in which a newer larger 
cluster of houses is found. Among these newer houses, a radio tower, and outfitter’s 
camp and a small retail store are located. The fourth and final expansion of the village is 
seen as two unique structures built by the provincial government; the new school house 
and the teacher’s residence.  
 134
Figure 6.1, The separate areas of Old Slate Falls.
Figure 6.2, The hand drawn map from Sam Carpenter, showing the village from the 
early years of his childhood, Ca. 1920-1930.
 135
 The documentation of cabins and cabin foundations was the primary focus of the 
investigation through note taking, photography and photogrammetry resulting in 3D 
models. This emphasized recording of building dimensions, construction techniques, 
materials used in the structures, and also the distribution of materials surrounding the 
structure. 
6.1 Area I 
 Area I is identified by the location of the main body of the oldest portion of the 
Slate Falls Village as reported by Sam Carpenter seen in Figure 6.2. This locality was 
occupied by the Loon family prior to the village being established. Before the building of 
log cabins in this location people stayed in wigwams and tents.  
Figure 6.3, Area I Overview as taken by aerial imagery, cabins have been outlined in black 
in order to enhance them (National Air Photo Library, 1986).
 136
6.1.a Cabin 1 - Sams Cabin 
This section presents building characteristics and artifact recoveries from Sams 
Cabin. A more detailed discussion about the cabin and associated archaeological site 
can be found in Chapter 5.1. 
Figure 6.4, Sams Cabin overview as taken by aerial imagery, Sams Cabin location 
highlighted in red, nearby cabins were traced with a black box to enhance them 
(National Air Photo Library 1986).
Figure 6.5, Sams Cabin, Scott Hamilton operates drone. Metal 
detection probes marked by orange flagging, berm of the 
structure visible in the right half of the photo.
1  37
Sams Cabin was uncovered in 2017 via a pedestrian survey. The cabin is located 
on a level sandy terrace overlooking the north shore of Lake Bamaji. The structure is 
characterized by a 30 cm wide rectangular berm which varies in height and width and 
outlines the cabin foundations. This berm would have been made by piling sand against 
the cabin walls to provide insulation and to stop drafts. The outline of the berm indicates 
Sam’s Cabin is approximately 5m by 5m (Figure 6.6). 
The cabin outline and associated artifacts in the immediate vicinity suggests that 
it may be related to the early 20th Century Carpenter occupation of the vicinity, but this 
is currently unverified. A large amount of refuse and debris, primarily bone, steel, and tin 
cans lie scattered around the structure. Remote sensing conducted with a metal 
detector show hits primarily indicating iron nails, strapping and spikes, located 
frequently on corners of berms and around the doorway (Figure 5.14). 
To the west of the cabin a decommissioned snowmobile lies in a low wet area. To 
the east there is an irregular hole that may represent a storage pit. Twenty metres to the 
north, a square sided pit was noted, possibly a cold storage pit. A midden is located 
approximately 5m to the south of the cabin, and an accumulation of bottles lie on the 
shorefront (Figure 5.4). The majority of the materials collected date to the early 20th 
century. 
Figure 6.6, Sams 
Cabin overview 
as taken by 
drone, the outline 
of the cabin 
foundation is 
traced in black.
 138
Figure 6.7, Topographic model of Sams Cabin taken by drone.
 139
6.1.b Cabin 2  
 Cabin 2 was located via pedestrian survey in 2017 and was subsequently 
cleared of vegetation to permit mapping. Cabin 2 is located on an elevated platform not 
entirely level, the bedrock surface slopes down to the shores of Bamaji Lake. The cabin 
consists of a foundation of banked sand, piled rock and wooden floor joists.  
Figure 6.8, Cabin 2 overview as taken by aerial imagery, Cabin 2 location highlighted 
in red (National Air Photo Library 1986).
 Located on a south facing slope a large amount of rock has been piled under the 
south wall to create a level foundation. The wooden berms which lie crisscrossed 
between the sand banks acted as floor joists. Sections of the cabin appear to have 
collapsed to its westward side, as large amounts of nails and cut lumber are seen 
scattered and rotting throughout the immediate area. Jutting out from the stone 
foundation, two soil berms continue south to support what is hypothesized to be an 
entrance porch and boot and wood room.  
Other than the boot room, no archaeological evidence for additions to the cabin 
could be found. 2x4’s & 4x4’s used to build the boot room indicate it was likely a later 
addition. Two stoves lie abandoned outside the cabin foundation: a Mclary’s wood stove 
 140
(1897 - 1936, Figure 6.10), and an oil drum converted into a stove. Nearby, a derelict 
snowmobile dating from the 1970’s is 
slowly being overtake by vegetation 
(Figure 6.11). 
A bread bag clip, a rivet from 
a pair of jeans, a plastic hair clip, and 
a locket containing a photograph 
were found around the cabin 
foundat ions (P la te E.12) . A l l 
collected archaeological evidence 
points towards a much later use-life 
than Sam’s Cabin, perhaps dating Figure 6.9, Drone imagery of Cabin 2.
from the 1940's until the late 1970's.  
According to Frederico's 
studies (Oliveira, 2018), this cabin 
belonged to the Loon family. 
Through conversations with Annie 
and Delford, we discovered that 
Annie used to visit this cabin 
frequently as a child and would stay 
for long periods so that she might 
attend a day-school. Annie indicated 
that this house was lived in until the 
1970's. 
Figure 6.10, Clarence inspects the berms of Cabin 
2, the wood stove can be seen in the central right 
portion of the image.
1  41
NORTH Banked Sand
LLooggss A acst ing as
  flFolooor rJ Jooisictses
Large Wire Nails
Piled Rock Foundation
Wood Stove
Milled Lumber 
Tea Kettle
Gas Can
Skidoo
Oil Drum
Figure 6.11, Overview sketch map of Cabin 2.
 142
5 Meters 
Figure 6.12, Topographic model of Cabin 2 using drone imagery.
 143
6.2 Area II 
Area II, is located further east from Area I. It features multiple cabins, many of 
which were inhabited by Loon family. They generally feature newer construction 
materials such as fibreglass chinking, milled planks, and plywood sheets. 
Figure 6.13, Area lI overview as taken by aerial imagery 1986, 
cabins have been outlined in black in order to enhance them.
 144
Cabin 4  
  
 Cabin 4 was located whi le 
conducting a pedestrian survey along the 
wooden boardwalk, northeast from the 
Mission House (Figure 6.14). The 
structure consists of multiple additions, 
expanded over many years. This can be 
identified through shifting material types, 
and differing construction techniques 
between each expansion. Two main 
structural components are easi ly 
identified, more are likely to have taken 
place but are difficult to determine as 
renovations in houses are both common 
and frequent. The cabin has been linked 
to Charlie Wesley but this remains 
unverified. Figure 6.14, Cabin 4 overview as taken by 
aerial imagery, Cabin 4 location highlighted 
in red (National Air Photo Library 1986).
 The first occupation can be seen 
through the initial cabin foundation, now a 
5m by 5m square cabin lacking a roof, the side walls are composed of full logs 
consisting of many different diameters and age of logs, some visibly more worn and 
weathered having different dovetailing and cut marks present, ranging from axe, to hand 
saw to chain saw cut. Each log has been chinked with moss, there are many additions 
and newly added features such as fibreglass insulation and plastic vapour barrier. 
 The second occupation can be seen in the rear of the building, this was added by 
a common method at Slate Falls in which the entranceway to a new addition is 
chainsawed out of the wall. The new addition to the cabin is composed largely of milled 
 145
lumber and the sidewalls have since collapsed, leaving a standing roof which rests on 
the remains of the previous addition.  
  
 Outside the cabin a transistor radio was recovered with its style and function 
indicating cabin occupation well into the 1980’s, multiple other dateable items were 
observed scattered around the cabin ranging from cookware and cast-iron stoves, to 
can middens and other household items. 
Figure 6.15, Model of Cabin 4 using DSLR imagery facing east from above.
Figure 6.16, Model of Cabin 4 using DSLR imagery facing east from eye level.
 146
Figure 6.17, Model of Cabin 4 using DSLR imagery facing north.
Figure 6.18, Model of Cabin 4 using DSLR imagery from above.
 147
Cabin 7  
 Cabin 7 was discovered 200m north of Cabin 6 while following the remains of 
The Old Boardwalk (Chapter 6.6.f pg.175). Cabin 7 sits in a grassy and weed filled 
clearing, overlooking the lake shore to the southeast. To the west of the house is a black 
spruce forest with thick moss carpets. The structure may have belonged to a member of 
the Loon family, as numerous Loon-built cabins are scattered in this area. It was given 
the nickname ‘Loonville’ to easily distinguish it from other cabins.  
 Cabin 7 is likely of older origin but has several additions consisting of multiple 
tiers of stacked rock foundations. Two major sections of the cabin were easily 
identifiable one having a flight of wooden 
stairs in the SE corner. Mult iple 
attachments were added onto the 
structure. The house is likely to have 
persisted two or more generations, with 
additions marking increases in family 
size. The housing structure burned down 
as evidenced by the charred timbers and 
heated rocks near the house foundations, 
possibly a part of a string of arsons noted 
by Delford; this affected multiple cabins 
and occurred in the mid 2000’s for 
unknown reasons (per. com. 2018).  
The structure was mapped by 
hand (Figure 6.23) and modelled by 
Figure 6.19, Cabin 7 overview as taken 
drone. After the area was cleared with by aerial imagery, Cabin 7 location 
hand tools to remove vegetat ion highlighted in red (National Air Photo 
overburden, a 3D model was made, Library 1986).
which encompasses a large scatter of 
 148
materials (Figure 6.22). 
 A plan overview sketch was created by measuring the walls of the cabin along 
with marking the location of artifacts within the cabin (Figure 6.22). Multiple dateable 
artifacts were located scattered throughout 
the area surrounding Cabin 7. A pile of Drone Imagery of Cabin 7  
leg-hold traps were noted on the 
N
northwest portion of the housing feature. 
A possible generator shed can be seen in 
Figure 6.22 with a large pile of cans 
beside it. On top the cans lies a large 
bathtub with a patent date of 1942. 
Military surplus ammo cans lay by the 
shed and were possibly used as tool 
boxes . 
An abandoned boat lies on the 
shore of the lake near the cabin, and the 
can dump excavated by the Field School 
lies to the NW of the cabin by 40 meters. 
The midden pile related to Cabin 7 
consists mainly of canned goods. John, 
Clarence, Zeb and Eden sorted cans in 
the can dump to determine diet shifts in 
the community. Initial estimates placed 
the can dump dated to the 1980’s. In total, 
215 cans were sorted, refer Appendix E 
plates E.26 to E.28. Work ceased when 
rain began and due to sufficient sample 
size and limited time, work was not Figure 6.20, Drone imagery of Cabin 7 area, 
resumed. Cabin 8 can be seen in the top left.
 149
Figure 6.21, Drone imagery of Cabin 7 facing east.
Figure 6.22, Drone imagery top down Cabin 7
 150
Figure 6.23, Hand mapped artifacts of Cabin 7 area, Refer to Plate E.26 to E.28, Pg. 261 for 
the index detailing artifact types.
 151
6.3 Area III 
Area III consists of the most modern residential area of Old Slate Falls. In this 
area multiple cabins are found, some of which belong to Evan Kitchense, Charlie 
Neckon, Cecilia and Floyd Spence, Ruby and George Bighead, the Wesleys, Fred and 
Elsie Sakakeesic, John Carpenter, and Sam and Jessie Carpenter. Other buildings and 
structures in the area include the Weather Tower, the Band Office, and the Mackenzie 
Store and Lodges. Due to the more recent habitation and construction of the cabins and 
houses, less detail and recording was placed on the documentation of the structures but 
rather focused on village life and building function through oral testimony. 
Many of the houses and cabins experienced expansion during their occupation 
life, with new additions being built onto a side and then doorways created by cutting out 
a section of the former outside wall with a chainsaw (Plate E.21, Figure 6.30). Heating 
for the homes would still be done by wood-stove indicated by the presence of flue and 
chimney pipes in each cabin. Fibreglass insulation and shingle roofing are present on 
the majority of roofs in this portion of the community. Power lines connect most of the 
cabins bringing a more recently implemented amenity; power was not supplied until 
Figure 6.24, Area III overview as taken by aerial imagery, cabins have been outlined 
in black in order to enhance them (National Air Photo Library 1986).
 152
1991 even though the Ear Falls to Pickle Lake transmission line (E1C Line) has run 
within a few hundred meters of the community since the 1950’s. A number of attributes 
exemplifying shifting building styles can be seen within the cabin structures of Area 3 
and in some other cabins recently inhabited. The recent supply of power created a 
situation in which cables were laid out over top of walls or plywood sheeting (Figure 
6.29). Supplied power ushered in the appearance of electric stoves in the community 
(Figure 6.30) and electric refrigerators (Figure 6.29). Sliding screened windows become 
commonplace, a feature absent in many of the older iterations of the community. Many 
of the interior walls began to have painted surfaces. Tiling or vinyl-flooring are seen in 
many of the cabins (Figure 6.29, 6.30). Manufactured wall-board and particle board is 
also commonplace in the additions built throughout the community.  
Community refuse patterns were significantly harder to locate, fewer can dumps 
were found near structures in Area III suggesting much of the refuse to be 
systematically collected and dumped elsewhere. A large amount of outhouses are also 
found scattered throughout the area, many are located without visible cabins nearby. 
Verbal testimony from Elsie Sakakeesic indicated members of the community chose to 
move their homes across the lake during the wintertime as the village began its 
transition (per. com. 2021). 
Below are a number of building with details of their use-life in the village: 
● Weather Tower - The MNR installed a weather monitoring system which was 
relayed daily through the telephone system installed in Sam Carpenters house, 
and later the Band Office when the telephone was transferred to that location. 
● Band Office - A small cabin nearby Mackenzie's Cabins this structure was used 
for administration and storage of handwritten accounting and files which can still 
be found in the building to this day. The Band Office was mainly used to organize 
the move to the other side of the lake. It became a hub when the payphone 
system was moved from Sam Carpenters house and quickly became a focal 
 153
point for members of the community. “The Band Office was for running the 
administration, they didn’t have much. It was mostly to organize things for making 
the move to the other side. 1988 everything was manually bookkeeping” (Elsie 
Sakakeesic per. com. 2021). 
● Health clinic - Originally the clinic operated out of one of the Mackenzie's Cabins 
which had been retrofitted for that purpose. Later a new building was build for the 
clinic, this was dragged across the lake and is currently used as the elementary 
school. 
● Sam Carpenters House - Since it was one of the largest houses in the community 
it was frequently used as the polling station, acting as a Band Office and voting 
location during the early years of Slate Falls attaining reserve status. Sam had 
set up a small radio tower attached for a two way radio. Telus installed a pay 
phone at this location which was powered by a generator housed in a shed a few 
dozen feet behind the house. The phone became a major draw with people 
frequently congregating there, it became a hub in the community. 
● Mackenzie's Tourist Operation - He arrived in the late 1940’s married into 
community and created an air-charter service (Established 1947), in 1956 he had 
a variety of cabins (5 or 6 as recalled by Elsie) which housed American tourists 
during the summer months for recreational fishing. “Mackenzie the old Irish man, 
he married a Native woman. He started buying furs. He started a store too, dry 
goods and camp food that what they mainly sold… He passed away suddenly in 
1968” (per. com. with Elsie Sakakeesic 2021). 
 154
Figure 6.25, Aerial view of the Mckenzie cabins taken by drone.
Figure 6.26, Aerial view of Area 3 facing west, the weather tower, voting 
office, and multiple cabins are within view. 
 155
Figure 6.27, Aerial view of Area 3 from above taken by drone.
Figure 6.28, Aerial view of Area 3 from above taken by drone.
 156
Figure 6.29, View from Inside cabin in Area III, note vinyl flooring, electric 
refrigerator, and partitioned rooms
Figure 6.30, View from inside cabin in Area III, note vinyl flooring, electric 
oven, chainsawed-addition, fluorescent lighting and flue for wood-stove. 
 157
Figure 6.31, View from inside cabin in Area III, electric wiring laid overtop 
walls, sliding screen window present in cabin.
Figure 6.32, Cabin in Area III, (belonging to Sam Carpenter) propane 
canisters piled outside of home. 
 158
6.4 Area IV. 
Area IV is made up of three main buildings built in the 1980’s; the ‘New School 
House’ and two residence’s for school teachers. Laying in close relation to one another 
they form a unique part of the community. These buildings were separated into a 
different area (Area IV) due to construction differences, recent building styles and 
government funding. The educational structures are located in the middle of the village 
for ease of access by both sides of the community. 
 Prior to the Band becoming an INAC-registered First Nation, the land was 
deemed to be Provincial Crown land. Once the residential schools began to shut down, 
the provincial government created schooling opportunities for the residents, building the 
New School houses from 1977 which ran until 1998 (per. com. Elsie Sakakesic 2021, 
Frederico Oliveira citing Jerry Paquette). At which point the federal government took 
over control of the education in Slate Falls and established a New School house on the 
south side of the lake. 
Figure 6.33, Aerial imagery of the Provincial school and the teachers and 
principals accommodations (National Air Photo Library 1986).
1  59
Figure 6.34, Overview taken by drone of the Residences and school.
6.4.a School Teachers & Principals Residence 
 These log cabins are built in the Swedish cope style and saddle notch corners. 
The structures are fairly large with a peaked roofs covered in gravelled shingles. The 
residences can be seen by boat from the waters edge, both structures are located in an 
overgrown field which is wide open but somewhat wet and low. One of the first recorded 
archaeological sites came out of the garden of the principal’s residence; tilled up in the 
soil the large biface was attributed to the Archaic period. 
 A separate building was located in this area which was similar to a mobile house 
and was constructed for an additional teachers residence. This structure was moved to 
the other side of the lake during winter and is now in use by the Mennonite mission. 
These were the last structures built on the north side of Bamaji Lake after this all other 
structures were moved across the bay to facilitate waterline placements.  
 160
Figure 6.35, School Teachers Residence as viewed from exterior. 
Figure 6.36, School Teachers 
Residence as viewed from interior. 
Grouting used as chinking, multiple 
preplanned rooms with doors, electric 
wiring not exposed, finished and 
varnished logs. 
 161
6.4.b The New School  
 The New School is a large log cabin style with Swedish Cope profile and saddle 
notch corners. The structure has multiple rooms associated with it and was expanded 
once to meet a growing population. Multiple outhouses are located surrounding the 
school with another small shed likely for tools and maintenance. Within the multi-
roomed structure a modern furnace system fuelled by propane and was built to tap into 
the existing power-lines which run just to the immediate north. This building is typical 
representation of construction methods employed in the late 80’s, although the use of 
wood-beams could be considered to be more unique and a building style to fit in with 
the rest of the communities building style. The structure features florescent tube lighting 
and halogen lighting, carpeted floor, and stud walls with fibreglass insulation. 
 
Figure 6.37, The New School as viewed from exterior, east facing wall. Large amount 
of foliage and regrowth surround the structure.
 162
Figure 6.38, The New School, south facing wall.
Figure 6.39, Interior of The New School, modern attributes; H-vac ducting, 
florescent lighting, ceiling tiles, partitioned rooms, sliding windows, carpeted 
floor, and electric celling fan.
1  63
6.5 Outliers  
6.6.a Cabin 3  
Cabin 3 was found during a pedestrian survey along the lakeshore. Cabin 3 is 
located to east of Sams Cabin approximately 300m. It is largely still upright and intact, 
indicating a long potential use life with artifacts dating from 1870 until 1990. A signature 
from a member of the Loon family was discovered on a label in the Cabin alongside a 
calendar dating to 1990. The cabin is removed from the shorefront by about 40 meters 
on an elevated rocky plateau. Young saplings of birch, spruce and poplar obscure its 
view from the shorefront. It is representative of an outlier in the area classification due to 
its location on the border edge of Area 1 and Area 2, its traditional structure and building 
techniques, with a relatively recent inhabitation. 
Figure 6.40, Location of Cabin 3 based on aerial photo (National Air Photo Library 1986).
Cabin 3 is a comparatively simple one room log structure that is likely consistent 
with Sam’s Cabin and Cabin 2. The log walls show evidence of moss chinking as well it 
is packed with fibreglass insulation and capped by 1/4 split pine poles. The cabin is 
partitioned with a single divider wall, presumably to separate the sleeping area from the 
living space without impeding warm air circulation from the homemade barrel stove 
located in the southeast corner near the door. The cabin has a raised floor to help with 
1  64
heat retention in the winters. With multiple layers, the floor reflects evidence of 
renovation of the original structure. The windows were cut into the log walls with lumber 
framing chinked with fibreglass insulation. Large sheets of plastic were also installed 
under the shingles to act as a vapour barrier. A barrel stove inside the cabin is the most 
recently used heating source, while a large cast iron wood stove sits outside. On top of 
the wood stove outside the cabin, multiple sections of broken axes were found 
alongside a complete Welland and Vale axe. This axe has a manufacturing date range 
between 1873 and the 1890's based upon its stamped impressed cartouche (Plate D4 
pg. 261) (Communications with David Peterson citing G.E. French 2010, and A. 
Klenman 2006). This older artifact indicates the curation of older technology well into 
the recent past. 
Cabin 3 is an ideal example of the reuse and refurbishment of historic structures 
within Old Slate Falls. The inside of the log walls were coated with plastic to stop drafts, 
and sheets of cardboard were stapled and tacked to the exterior to increase heat 
retention. An old snow-machine track acts as a doormat, covering the few stairs that 
lead into the cabin. Multiple layers of roofing including tar paper and layers of shingles 
protect the roof. The small size and intactness and relatively simple nature of Cabin 3 
made it a good candidate for 3D modelling. This cabin was modelled under multiple 
condi t ions, ut i l iz ing d i fferent 
techniques to test methodologies for 
3D modelling. Video footage, 
pictures, and drone photography 
were all used to model the cabin. 
Multiple modelling trials were 
conducted on the structure and are 
available in Plates E.13 to E.16 Pg. 
272. The highest resolution models 
were created using a DSLR camera 
in the winter, seen in Figure 6.34. Figure 6.41, Cabin 3 facing south.
 165
Figure 6.42, Model of Cabin 3 using DSLR imagery.
Figure 6.43, Photograph of Cabin 3 facing northwest.
 166
6.6.b Tents and Tenting Platforms 
 The sole evidence of wall tent occupation observed during the archaeological 
investigation was found on a small peninsula which juts out onto Lake Bamaji (Figure 
6.37). The area contains a full-sized cabin (Cabin 9) with outbuildings including 
evidence of two semi permanent structures, a tent platform, and a walled tent frame. 
Figure 6.44, Cabin 9 is indicated by a large ‘R’ encircled in red which stands for 
Rooster, one of the original inhabitant of the location. The peninsula has multiple 
structures; two tent platforms and one cabin. 
Tenting Platform  
Cabin 10 consists of the foundation of a semi permanent structure, likely a tent 
platform. Found directly to the west of Cabin 9 (John Roosters Cabin). The area had 
been excavated and flattened with a measurement of 5ft x 10ft. A large pile of fibreglass 
insulation lies in a heap in what would be the entrance to the structure. This structure is 
consistent with expectations of other short-term encampment habitations that might be 
found widely throughout the area. Families would move from structure to structure 
depending on where they need to be at different times throughout the year. This 
platform and the tent frame seen in Cabin 11 are evidence of semi-sedentarism in the 
 167
population of Slate Falls and was likely 
inhabited during the summer fishing months. 
Figure 6.45, Cabin 
10, large pile of 
insulation on open 
flattened area.
Figure 6.46, Cabin 10, wooden beams “runners” for tent platform
 168
Tent Frame  
Cabin 11 is the frame of a walled-tent located to the immediate west of the 
Roosters Cabin and is to the immediate northwest of Cabin 10. It rests on an elevated 
rise of bedrock overlooking Lake Bamaji to the south. Cabin 11 consists of collapsed 
sections of timber frame for a double-walled tent (Figure 6.40). A large pile of plastic and 
tires is found scattered around the structure. Likely a fishing tent for people in the 
1980’s, this would have been a similar structure used on the platform in Cabin 10. The 
lack of a tent at cabin 10 indicates the potential for this frame to have been used on the 
platform. 
 
Figure 6.47, Cabin 11, frame of walled tent, nearby to Cabin 9 and 10.
 169
6.6 Unique Cultural Features 
 A number of significant cultural features were discovered or documented and 
were recorded below. These features, scattered throughout the area surrounding Slate 
Falls, add to the narrative and enrich understanding of this Village and how it came to 
be. Associated locations for each feature can be found in Plate E.1 to E.3 Pg. 262 . 
6.6.a Flat Backed Canoe  
   
 The canoe is located near Cabin 7 in the woods to the immediate south. 
Descriptions of similar vessels by Sam Carpenter suggest that it might have been used 
in the 1930’s or 40’s, although I speculate similar vessels could have been used in 
service up until the 1980’s. Its use life is seen through multiple layers of paint applied to 
the watercraft. A thick carpet of moss covers the hull, while the two ends of the canoe 
are exposed. The vessel may have been used in the commercial fishing operations run 
on Lake Bamaji and Osnaburgh. Sam remembers square backed freight canoes being 
used with outboard motors to get to Osnaburgh House. He could recollect till 1930 and 
remembers using a small motor (two h.p.) being used to pull 3 canoes. As time passed, 
larger motors were used, perhaps shifting from 2.5 h.p., up to 8hp, on to much larger 
motors that are currently in widespread use (i.e. 20 to 25 h.p.). 
Figure 6.48, Bow of flat backed canoe.
1  70
6.6.b The Graveyards 
  
 When undertaking fieldwork, it is my personal practise to pay respect to the dead 
by visiting the burial places before undertaking research, and again at the end of that 
research. In many First Nations communities a strong stigma of grave-robbing and the 
curation of human remains is associated strongly with archaeology. Though showing 
respect and due diligence when conducting archaeological investigations these 
associations can be relieved. Multiple burial places were highly visible to us as we 
undertook fieldwork. The current burial place is located along the road used to reach our 
boat launch, with the old cemetery being visible along the water route to old Slate Falls 
(figure reference). Both cemeteries lie to the north of the current Slate Falls community. 
The Old Slate Falls cemetery is accessed by boat near the mouth of the Cat River into 
Bamaji Lake. A dock resides on the river bank leading to a path which rises up to a 
terrace where the old cemetery is situated. Over 50 graves are likely located at this old 
cemetery. Most of these graves are enclosed within a wood fence, with a wood cross or 
headstone marking them. Many of the older graves are no longer marked with a wood 
cross, and are defined only by a shallow depression in the ground. This old cemetery is 
still in use with some community members still being buried with their family members in 
the Old Sate Falls cemetery across the river from the modern one. No photographs of 
the cemetery were included in this thesis as a mark of respect. 
 171
6.6.c Potato Pits 
Pits used for potato storage are reported at Osnaburgh House and Fort Albany, 
and local stories also reference small potato gardens and sub-ground storage facilities 
at Old Slate Falls. Root-crop growing was likely common since such small plots could 
be left with minimal tending throughout the summer when people travelled to 
Osnaburgh or when engaged in commercial fishing. Fall harvest and storage could be 
done upon return to Slate Falls, and this provided a supplemental food supply into the 
winter. Numerous depressions were located throughout the village, some were small 
( 40cm in diameter) in nature, while others were larger ( up to 2m x3m). An irregularly 
shaped pit to the immediate east of Sam’s Cabin was initially interpreted to be a potato 
storage pit, but further research into storage techniques indicate a higher likelihood for a 
square depression (2m x 2m) 15m north of Sams Cabin to be a more likely candidate; 
refer to Ch 7.3 Pg. 170. 
 172
6.6.d Portage Site  
The portage around the Slate Falls rapids is located a few hundred meters 
upstream from the cemetery, refer to Plate E.1. It is approximately 5 ft wide and 20 feet 
long. In situations of higher water levels there could be two portage routes, but the main 
passage is located at the second set of rapids up from the initial set (Figure 6.49). 
Eroded grades marking the portage path are noted at the bank, with the portage having 
a sandy bottom. Wooden roller logs are still in place, but many are old and rotted. 
Evidence of recent use can be seen through scraped aluminium particles sticking to 
large boulders along the passageway.  
Figure 6.49, Slate Falls Portage route as determined by archaeological evidence.
 173
6.6.e Islands of Bamaji  
The many islands on Lake Bamaji have varied local cultural uses. During the 
summer many of these islands are used as fishing camps. According to Sam Carpenter 
the old timers would set up tipis (wigwams) on the islands in the headwaters of North 
Bamaji and use them as summer fish camps (refer to Plate. E1). Historically islands 
were also frequently used as a kennel for sled dogs and may have been used as such 
at Slate Falls. During the summer of 1961 a forest fire encroached on the cabins of 
Slate Falls, thereby forcing the community to flee the mainland by boat and take refuge 
on the small islands in North Bamaji Lake. 
Figure 6.50, A large stone slab taken and placed as a seat, in a prime fishing 
location.
 174
6.6.f The BoardWalk 
A 3 to 4 foot wide wooden boardwalk extends along the landward side of the 
community, providing easier walking access between residential centres. It was 
composed of log runners with 2x4’s nailed transversely on top. The boardwalk runs 
northwards from the Mission House to at least as far as Cabin 7, and likely further, and 
east to the area near the old band office. Our study did not reveal how long the 
boardwalk was or how many houses it connected. Numerous outhouses litter the 
ground throughout the area, these would be commonly seen without evidence of 
existing cabin foundations nearby. 
  
6.6.g Ice Houses and Evidence of Commercial Fishing  
Evidence of commercial fishing can be seen scattered across the shores of North 
Bamaji Lake; sets of torn and shredded netting lie scattered along its rocky banks. Old 
derelict boats and vessels lie abandoned in the bush and occasionally on the shores. A 
vital component to commercial fishing was the production and maintenance of the ice 
houses found near Slate Falls which would preserve fish until aircraft arrived to 
transport the catch to fish processing facilities located to the south. The best preserved 
of such ice house remains standing along the lake shore near the mission house (Plate 
E.8). This building is approximately 10m by 5m in size, and presently contains debris 
from secondary function as a storage area (refer to Figure 6.51). 
Near the Mission House a dock, in the form of pilings, can be seen in the 
waterway along the front of the ice house and would have allowed for fast and efficient 
loading of the float planes. Ice houses were known to keep blocks of ice frozen year 
round when insulated with sawdust. Within the ice house, multiple pairs of shoes and 
other materials were located within the heaps of wood shavings. An example of a 
homemade mukluk can be seen in Figure 6.45. Found inside the piece of footwear, 
small fragments of fishbone were found.  
 175
  
Figure 6.51, Interior of the ice house.
Figure 6.52, Handmade Mukluk from the Ice house.
1  76
6.6.h The Can Dump  
The Can Dump is located on a small peninsula which protrudes into Lake Bamaji 
just below The Slate Falls (Plate E.1). First interpreted to be the refuse from a nearby 
cabin, failure to find a nearby cabin foundation, led to enquiries with the residents of 
Slate Falls. This revealed that the feature was created from the cleaning up of multiple 
fishing camps on nearby islands, and the refuse was brought to a location out of the 
way to be deposited. This can dump assists in understanding temporal discrepancies 
between clusters of artifacts found scattered near the earlier cabins and structures of 
Old Slate Falls. Disposal methods utilizing sleds or other means to move garbage to 
remote locations become more widespread in the later years of the village, middens 
associated with cabins become less readily seen dating from the 1960’s onwards.  
Figure 6.53, Large can dump with multiple artifacts ca. early 1900’s and many into the 1980’s.
 177
CH.7 Discussion  
Introduction  
Chapter Seven consists of several sections. The first offers a basic timeline for 
the Slate Falls Village, coupled with an explanation of the discrete historic periods used 
in this thesis. These time periods are then contextualized using shifting material 
utilization and food resources in Slate Falls.  
The next section details life in the cabins and reviews how building construction, 
refurbishment, movement and recycling changed through the years. Finally, the 
archaeological and ethnographic findings are compared. This critically evaluates the 
role of historic archaeology in supplementing ethnographic data collected from living 
members of the community. 
1  78
7.1 Historic Summary of Old Slate Falls 
Timeline of Culture Phases Seen in Slate Falls  
 Applying the contents of Chapter 2, important Post-contact trends and influences 
affecting Old Slate Falls Village are highlighted through a series of time blocks. These 
reflect the gradually escalating external influences upon Slate Falls people and the 
resultant cultural adaptations. Pre-contact components are shown in the basic timeline 
below to provide time-scale reference. 
Paleo Hunter Gatherer Phase: 9,500 - 7,000 BP 
Shield Archaic Period: 7,000 - 2,500 BP  
Initial Woodland Phase: 2,500 - 2000 BP 
Laurel Period: 2,000 - 1,000 BP  
Black Duck Phase: 1,200 - 600 BP 
Lake Woodland Period: 1000 -1650 AD 
Post-Contact Traditional 1650 - 1850 AD 
Transitional: 1850 - 1960 AD 
Modern 1960 - Present 
Post-Contact (Traditional): 1650 - 1850  
The Post-contact period (Traditional) characterizes the period after European 
contact is established, but when traditional values and much of the traditional material 
culture and ways of life remained dominant. The timing of this era varies with geography 
and reflects the nature and intensity of direct European presence, and the logistical 
network that enabled movement of manufactured goods into the region. While it is 
generally accepted that the inland trade operations after the early 1700's enabled more 
frequent trade opportunities, some Indigenous communities chose to incorporate only a 
comparatively narrow range of foreign technology and would opt to utilize their known 
1  79
resources. Many communities would choose to practice a more traditional economy 
long after coming in contact with Europeans.  
Waste disposal patterns during this period should reflect those of the traditional 
cultural elements in the area. Examples of possible Pre-contact waste disposal are seen 
in EgJv-9 In a Laurel occupation, FCR and heavily processed bone were located in a 
dense cluster, further excavation and understanding of this occupations waste disposal 
needs to be further documented before more attributes can be understood. 
Since the foraging economy of these hunter-trapper-fisher extended families 
required high mobility across large harvest territories, it is likely they limited their 
personal possessions to that which could be readily transported throughout this 
seasonal round. Efficient and durable items such as copper or brass kettles, sewing 
needles, textiles, axes, knives, fire-steels, firearms and ornamental items might have 
replaced traditional materials, but these goods where adapted and integrated into a 
traditional economy. This new contact did, however, encourage local populations to 
engage in more intensive fur trapping and other resource collection for trade, setting the 
stage for longstanding shifts in cultural norms and foraging rounds.  
Transitional: 1850 -1960 
 This period is characterized by steadily increasing social, political, economic and 
spiritual influence from Euro-Canadians. The development of east-west railway 
transportation networks, first in ca. 1885 with the CPR and later in the early 1900's with 
the railways that merge into the CNR quickly supplanted the waterway supply networks. 
This led to the establishment of a series of railway towns that facilitated Euro-Canadian 
settlement as the ‘natural resource frontier’ expanded northwards. 
  Missionaries began establishing themselves in the northern interior holding 
frequent services. Coupled with the 1905 Treaty Nine, provincial and federal agencies 
began exerting growing influence in the region, most notably through annuity payments, 
 180
Indian Residential Schools and through external authority figures such as the Indian 
Agent and law enforcement. The 1930's led to expanding mineral exploration and mine 
development prompting larger numbers of newcomers to expand the northern 
settlements. These settlers created or expanded hydro-electric infrastructure, and 
increased pressure on fur and food resources within the region.  
 This gradually intensified external pressure for change which included a shift 
from semi-sedentarism to sedentarism, particularly within communities located close to 
these centres of Euro-Canadian settlement. Interestingly, Slate Falls residents appear to 
have resisted this pressure, being careful to maintain their autonomy with their 
residences far removed from Osnaburgh House and the road infrastructure that 
supported both Osnaburgh House and the nearby town of Pickle Lake. That said, it is 
clear that lifestyles and economies had begun to shift in face of these outside 
influences. The beginning of the Transitional Period is defined by selective adoption or 
modification of European goods and technologies while maintaining traditional lifestyles. 
Material assemblages of the Slate Falls people during this period may have included a 
number of diagnostic artifacts. Flintknapped glass container-ware becomes apparent. 
Recycling and modification of metal containers through cutting, and modification into 
piercing or chopping tools and cookware is also seen. In Slate Falls the modification of 
bone is readily available and numerous artifacts follow traditional technological 
elements.  
 The above listed artifact types if recovered in similar site settings, would be 
expected to be found in conjunction with European utilitarian goods such as traps, 
netting, knives, axes and other edged tools, firearms, blankets and textiles, and some 
personal goods such as buttons, tobacco and even pocket-watches becoming 
incorporated into material assemblages such as that at Slate Falls. New or unique 
technologies and ideas are also adopted during this period, allowing for faster 
harvesting and efficient transportation. In the case of Slate Falls the adoption of the use 
of dog sleds and blackpowder muskets is readily seen.  
 181
 This period is also characterized by the beginning of a shift from high-mobility 
foraging supported by temporary shelters (wigwams and tipi-like structures) to a semi-
sedentary lifestyle based around strategically located log cabin villages. Nonetheless, 
many traditional practices remained in place well into the 1950’s. It was common for 
several extended families to seasonally occupy cabins in the same locality, leading to 
the development of small informal hamlets like Slate Falls, with extended forays to 
harvest resources periodically occurring. These outlying resource harvest areas might 
be supported by establishment of a more permanent log trap line cabin, or more 
temporary tents structures. Log cabins and walled canvas tents were important 
innovations of this time that reflect the integration of European technologies into the 
lifestyle of the Mishkeegogamang without significantly altering their subsistence lifestyle 
or traditional resource collection. Housing materials would no longer have to be 
collected and assembled in each seasonal location. Instead, families could move from 
one cabin location to the next, each set up in strategic locations or have an expedient 
durable structure to readily set up.  
 Changes in waste disposal patterns are not fully documented in Slate Falls, 
found evidence follows similar patterns to those seen in other early Post-contact period 
European occupations. A general pattern is emergent beginning with broadcast disposal 
methods, slowly shifting to waste midden piling (Stanley South 1979, Scott Hamilton 
per. com. 2021). Recovered materials from the occupation at Bonecrush indicates 
refuse materials are widely dispersed, although concentrations of bone were noted and 
were initially interpreted to be cultural features (refer to Chapter 7.5 Pg. 206). The area 
surrounding Sam’s Cabin has a layer of bones, cans, and ash found throughout the 
leaf-litter of test-pits conducted. Shallow probes while conducting metal detection in 
nearby clearing to the immediate east (30m) of Sams Cabin revealed a thin but uniform 
lens of broken faunal material within the area. A direct corresponding quote was 
provided by Elsie Carpenter (per. com. 2018) “Rubbish was scattered outside, flung out 
the cabin door or walked out and then chucked, there was no particular dumping place”. 
As test pits were dug farther north from the cabin, a corresponding decrease in faunal 
assemblage was noted. Largely built up with refuse materials, a nearby area south from 
 182
the cabin is interpreted to be an archaeological midden. This area, which has large 
sections of undulating bedrock, acted as an area which material could easily have been 
flung and possibly trapped. Waste disposal evidence seen at Sams Cabin and the 
verbal history of Elsie Sakakessic follows patterns of sheet middens and broadcast 
scatters seen throughout numerous other site types documented by historic and 
prehistoric archaeologists such as Stanley South (1979), John Yellen (1979), and Lewis 
Binford (1978).
 Towards the end of the transitional period, European influence gradually 
increased. This was spurred by access to a broader range of consumer goods, new 
supply networks utilizing the railroad networks, gradual erosion of land rights in light of a 
more pervasive presence of Indian Agents and Provincial conservation officers, and an 
increasingly stressed resource-based economy caused by the growing numbers of non-
Indigenous people moving into the natural resource extraction townsites. Flooding 
caused by hydroelectric dams destroyed sturgeon breeding grounds, berry and wild rice 
patches, and flooded viable agricultural plots thereby significantly reducing a 
longstanding economic base. 
 In Slate Falls traditional land use practices persisted longer, in large measure 
because of the self-imposed isolation within the hamlet rather than taking up residence 
at Osnaburgh House where they were deemed to be Band members. It also reflects a 
deliberate choice by older community leaders who sought to maintain autonomous land 
use within their own traditional harvest territories. Birch canoes were still produced until 
the 1950’s. Bone tools were still used, and many trappers continued to circulate among 
their seasonal hunting grounds. Self-reliance and self-determinism were maintained, but 
while simultaneously adopting a broader range of non-local manufactured technology. 
Traditional seasonal rounds would be followed but involved use of square-backed cedar 
and canvas canoes supporting an outboard motor. Stoves would be purchased or made 
from repurposed oil drums and cans. The adoption or modification of European 
technology at this point did not radically alter the subsistence lifestyle of Slate Falls 
people.
 183
Modern: 1950 - Present 
 The introduction of mechanized transportation such as the snow machine, 
airplane, and cat-trains provide more efficient movement of people and commodities, 
particularly with the development of railway towns as sources of supplies and services. 
Coupled with local day schools and nursing stations, a shift away from semi-sedentary 
to a more fully sedentary lifestyle occurred. This was further compounded by sharply 
increasing costs for fuel and general declining value of commercial fur harvest. 
Evidence of this trend at Slate Falls dates from the 1960’s onwards, and is commonly 
associated with increasingly larger cabins associated with snowmobile parts, 
accessories, and derelict machines. Such cabins more frequently feature lean-to 
additions, and incorporate imported milled frame windows, the addition of electrical 
cable, switches and outlets, and asphalt and tar paper roofing materials. They also 
frequently feature extensive sheet middens containing a wider assortment of food 
containers and other consumer goods. Many such cabins are associated with dock 
cribs, which are used for loading and unloading larger watercraft and floatplanes. These 
underwater wharf cribs for docks are absent in older portions of the village. When both 
of these features are present; the wharf cribs and snow machines, this is associated 
with cabins that have occupation year round; A conclusion supported by 
communications with Elsie Sakakeesic 2021 who indicated people would frequently 
return to their cabins in both the summer and winter.  
  Evidence of waste disposal patterns shift once again within the community 
of Slate Falls with the obvious formation of distinct midden piles largely consisting of 
cans. An example of Midden piling can be seen in the midden at Loonville dating from 
the 1960’s to the 1980’s (refer to Table E.1). Later period occupations in the community 
(1970-1990) indicate a further change in waste disposal shifting to a pick up and dump 
style reflecting larger amounts of imported non-organic waste produced with the 
widespread use of floatplanes bringing in goods and materials (refer to Chapter 4, 
Figure 4.6). In the majority of Area III of the community a general lack of middens were 
 184
readily noticeable (refer to Chapter 6.3, pg. 152). The lack of middens in this area 
corresponds to verbal history in which refuse materials would be collected and hauled 
often via sled in winter to be dumped in various locations away from housing structures. 
Members of the Slate Falls communities noted that as time progressed an increasingly 
larger amount of garbage was created, cumulating in the eventual addition of the 
modern landfill to the southern and newest iteration of the community.  
Increased employment opportunities lead to radical changes in economy and 
lifestyle among the Slate Falls community. Commercial fishing operations, tourism, 
logging, and gold mines become a means to increase a household income. With the 
exception of commercial fishing, these employment opportunities required people to 
leave the community to seek wage labour. This creates a slow shift from trapping 
lifestyles, and when coupled with lower market prices for furs in the 1960’s and 70’s, a 
further shift from this lifestyle is evident. Many individuals begin to leave smaller isolated 
communities to travel to larger city centres for education and work. Eventually, 
traditional skills become less common in the younger populations, as they prioritized 
Euro-Canadian education and employment opportunities. 
Although many traditional lifestyles and pursuits have largely been lost, activities 
such as fishing and hunting still tie the people firmly to this land. Revitalization and 
passing of traditional knowledge and techniques are becoming more widespread. 
Efforts to preserve this knowledge are continuously being made as the institutions and 
forces that have eroded them have been turned to nurture these ideologies once more.  
 185
7.2 Localized Material Utilization Seen in Slate Falls  
 A prevalent use of ’what is on hand’ to make tools persists throughout all of 
history in this region. Locally available materials were often used expediently, and were 
persistent components in tool kits; being comparatively inexpensive but also efficient. 
The use of local materials and reuse of imported goods granted the people of Slate 
Falls greater self-sufficiency and is consistent with the theme expressed in the 
interviews emphasizing local autonomy. 
 First Nations contact with Europeans reflects an adaptation from tradition, in 
which populations integrate new technologies and lifestyles with ancient ways of living. 
Technological change sparks a sense of creativity by providing imported and new 
materials or technology which can be taken and modified. It can also allow for improved 
efficiency in gathering and processing of materials, bolstering a land-based economy. 
Evidence Provided in Slate Falls 
 A chipped glass scraper and cutting tool were recovered in close proximity upon 
a cobble beach exposed by low water levels at site EgJv-8 (see Chapter 5.6, Figures 
5.33 and Plates C.15 & C.16). They appear to be made from glass bottles estimated to 
be manufactured between 1870 and the mid 1900’s on the basis of attributes indicating 
manufacturing technique. The manufacturing style is indicative of alcohol bottles, but it 
could have held a tonic or carbonated liquid. The glass tools were found with one 
section of a stoneware mug fragment, which has flakes detached from one portion of 
the piece. The flake scars on the mug were interpreted as test flaking to assess material 
type. It is unknown if other portions of the mug were fashioned into tools. It should be 
noted that these items come from poor depositional context, found along exposed 
lakeshore normally inundated by the lake and although they display little evidence of 
wave-battering or random chipping they have poor context. That being said these 
pieces are located within the immediate area used by the residents of Slate Falls and 
 186
are consistent with characterization of the Transitional Period when older traditions of 
production persisted using newly available materials. Ethnographers such as Alanson 
Skinner have recorded the use of stone tool and flintknapping along the Albany River 
system in 1911 (Alanson Skinner, 1911 pg. 52). 
Frequently, ferric sheet metal containers found a use life much longer than their 
original intended function. The challenges of transporting goods, and the relatively 
minimalistic lifestyle in historic Slate Falls encouraged the frequent reuse of vessels and 
containers. Excavated or recovered containers were often modified to serve new 
functions, including strainers, buckets, boiling vessels, chimney stovepipe and other 
utilitarian purposes (refer to Table 5.5, Pg.104). As the modification and use of cans and 
containers as boiling pots became more common, this likely contributed to the decline in 
use and eventual abandonment of moose and caribou stomachs, birch bark containers, 
or pottery. Of course, it is recognized that many of these traditional containers made 
from organic materials will not leave an archaeological signature. It should also be 
noted that families were likely to have carefully curated copper kettles and prized 
cooking wares, resulting in an overrepresentation of expedient container ware in the 
excavated middens. 
A number of lard cans were documented in Old Slate Falls. Through oral 
testimony, the purchase of lard was very limited, suggesting an extended use-life for 
such objects acting as cooking vessels and water storage containers. Another example 
of metalwork comes from a probe in Sam’s Cabin, which uncovered a handmade 
cooking whisk made of thick snare wire (Plate C.10, Pg. 250).
Large ferric sheet metal containers stamped with ‘Vacuum Oil LTD’ date to the 
1930’s, and were modified into component parts for a sheet metal stove (Plate C.6). 
These cans were commonly cut with shears to open the square container into large flat 
metal sheets that were then rolled into tubes to make home-made stove piping, that 
were interconnected by cutting the ends to reduce the diameter, allowing one pipe 
section to be inserted into the unmodified end of the next one (Figure 5.15). Large flat 
 187
sections of oil containers would be cut and reworked to serve as roof flashing to insulate 
the stove pipes as they passed through the roof, thereby reducing fire hazard. Trimmed 
and discarded sections of ferric sheet metal had been recovered in EgJv-6 and EgJv-5. 
Four sections of repurposed sheet metal flashing pieces were recovered around the 
immediate area of Sam’s cabin. The sheets had holes of different diameters, indicating 
the use of at least three different diameters of stove pipe. 
Verbal histories indicate that collapsible sheet metal wood-stoves were 
transported with the family as they moved throughout their seasonal round. Such non- 
locally manufactured stoves were likely purchased specifically to support short term 
hunting, fishing and trapping camps because the stoves would take up less space in 
transport. One prefabricated wood-stove was recovered in EgJv-5; it was collapsible 
and manufactured in the early 20th century. It’s possible that this belonged to the 
Carpenter family, but could also have been used by other families, such as the Loons 
(plate C.7). In contrast, fuel drums were locally modified to make home-made wood 
stoves, but their bulk and weight would make them more likely to be permanently 
installed at log cabins.  
Caches of materials would be made at each campsite as well. Although a 
noticeable assemblage of oil cans were noted, no gas cans were found, there is a 
possibility of continued reuse of the gas containers leading to little refuse, but it is also 
possible that the oil cans would instead serve as fuel containers furthering their life of 
reuse before further modification.  
 Utilization of bone tools remained common throughout recovered assemblages 
dating well into the 50’s. This is verified by oral traditions as well, but their use was 
limited to hide processing and tanning. Scrapers and bone beamers (see Chapter 5.3) 
were commonly used to process hides and furs. These same technologies are likely to 
be prehistoric in design. 
 188
The refurbishment of objects and goods into new products and tools is a 
common practice which persists into the 1980’s. Examples include tacking cardboard to 
cabin walls, refurbishing old cabins, reuse of timber from older log cabins, and the use 
of snow machine tracks as doormats. One common feature that was noted in newer 
structures was the replacement of cast iron wood stoves with repurposed fuel drums 
(Plate D.1, Pg. 260). This was a common feature seen throughout the old Village often 
older wood-stoves in good condition would sit outside the house and in their place 
inside oil drums were used.  
7.3 Shifting Food Resources in Slate Falls  
 The archaeological assemblages recovered in Slate Falls allow for a review of 
shifting food consumption choices at the site, which in turn offer insight into the 
processes of culture change throughout northern Ontario. This subchapter is written in 
chronological order, although the prioritization of the earlier periods of occupation result 
in an under-representation of the 1950’s to the 1970’s.  
 The earliest datable occupations are found at the Pepsi and Flipflop site ca. 2000 
BP. All subsistence materials found at the site were locally available and indicate 
intensive processing. The recovered faunal materials could only be identified as large 
mammals. The extensive amount of crushed bone is interpreted to be results of bone 
grease production. Two potential grinding stones were recovered, these stones have flat 
surfaces that appear to have grinding wear patterns, and could be used for multiple 
functions including as abraders, anvils or to grind plant or dried animal matter. These 
stones as well could have assisted with or been used solely for the pulverization of 
bones in grease production. No residue analysis has been conducted on the recovered 
artifacts.  
 The next most recent site yielding evidence of food resource selection and use, 
is found at Bonecrush and portions of the midden in Sams Cabin; EgJv-6, and EgJv-5 
 189
respectively. The earliest evidence of occupation in EgJv-6 and deeper deposits in the 
EgJv-5 date to the Pre-Contact Period (refer to Ch.5.3 Pg.89, Ch.5.4, pg.110,). Although 
there lacks defined separation between Pre-contact materials and Post-Contact in these 
deposits the main body of recovered artifacts in EgJv-6 are predominantly within the 
Transitional Period between 1840-1910 having intermixed European manufactured 
elements. Stone tools, such as large chittos used for crushing bones or hide processing, 
are found among piles of processed bone. Animal remains recovered in Bonecrush are 
difficult to identify due to their fragmented and processed nature but the identifiable 
bones derive primarily from ungulates and hare.  
 At Sams Cabin, more complete sections of bone are found. Most of the 
recovered faunal and subsistence related artifacts date from the late 1870’s till the 
1950’s. Frequently recovered skulls were broken, and most bones were fractured to 
some degree. Bone fragments appear to be larger and less processed than recoveries 
from earlier periods. While marrow extraction and grease production were still 
important, the intensity of bone processing appears reduced, allowing more bones to be 
identified to element and genus/species. Moose, deer, and caribou make up a majority 
of the assemblage, followed by hare (Table 5.1), all traditionally choice game foods. The 
splitting of the skulls and bones in Sam’s Cabin indicated brain tanning and grease 
production, both inferences which were verified by Sam Carpenter (per. com. 2018) 
 Potato crops were grown in Slate Falls, as indicated by Sam, they were stored in 
pits present near Sam’s Cabin. Three pits were located of varying size and depth, one 
being approximately 2m x 2 m, another being 2 m x 4m and a third being irregular in 
shape with a width of approximately 2.5 m (refer to Figure 5.4 Pg. 91). This irregular pit 
was initially interpreted as a potato storage pit. The other pits were thought to be cold 
storage although neither hypothesis is confirmed. Root crop storage techniques were 
never detailed in the collected ethnographic accounts, but are available through other 
ethnographic sources such as those detailed by Mary Black Rogers in the Weagamow 
Lake area: “Once the potatoes were dug, they were stored for the winter. Seed potatoes 
would be kept in root cellars dug into the side of a bank. A hole 8 by 8 by 4 feet would 
 190
be excavated, lined with “boards” and a front with a door prepared… These [potato] 
containers were then placed inside the root cellar with moss and sand” (Pg. 13 Edward 
S. Rogers and Mary Black Rogers 1976). By this description the smaller square pit 2m x 
2m and approximately 35 M to the north of Sams Cabin is deemed more likely for potato 
storage but could only be confirmed through starch analysis (Figure 5.4). A similar 
structure to the described was photographed by F.W. Waugh, 1919 out of Lac Seul seen 
in Plate B.10. 
  “We plant the potatoes before we leave in June to Osnaburgh and we harvest 
them when we come back in late August” (Sam Carpenter in Oliveira 2018). The onset 
of gardening begins to suggest a shift to semi-sedentary lifestyle. Potatoes provide an 
important carbohydrate source to supplement locally derived foods when game is 
scarce, and can be effectively kept for long periods of time. Sam Carpenter says that 
wild rice was also collected and processed for storage during his early life. He identified 
optimal areas for blueberry picking, indicating foraging was still an important activity. 
Two small circular cultural depressions approximately 40cm in diameter were located 
near the larger cultural depressions north of Sams Cabin, these were interpreted to be 
rice jigging pits, an activity done to remove husks from parched wild rice (refer to Figure 
5.4 pg. 91). 
 In Bonecrush, early glassware and metallic cans are found (Ch.5.4), with few 
remaining intact or identifiable. The cans appear to be cut for reuse, likely in processing 
and gathering foods and materials, while all discarded glassware was broken. This 
suggests that they had an extended use life, and that glassware was not discarded 
unless it was broken. These containers were primarily from medicine, alcohol, and 
beauty products. Sam reported that flour, salt, and lard were the primary purchased 
food staples. Flour is ethnographically known to have been cut with locally ground 
staples. The remnants of a possible grinding stone are intermixed with the Post-contact 
materials of EgJv-6, residue analysis has not yet been conducted to prove this artifacts 
function. 
  
 191
 A cash economy began at the later occupations of this site in 1910 as annuity 
payments were introduced, and as the HBC trade posts shifted to retail operations from 
the more traditional barter/credit system. Family ties still brought the people of Slate 
Falls to Osnaburgh annually, but the purchase of goods became more readily available 
from the rail line stop at Lac Seul and the HBC store in Cat Lake. 
 The occupation at Sam’s Cabin from the 1920’s to the 1940’s reveals evidence of 
new living patterns. Lard, sugar, and flour were important non-local commodities. Cans 
are still recycled, but do not appear as commonly so. Packaged meals such as Kraft 
Dinner (Plate C.8, pg. 249), which would be considered luxury goods, start to become 
apparent. Large numbers of lard buckets are found in the assemblage, although oral 
tradition indicated that lard was still a rare commodity and was substituted with grease 
rendered from bones. These buckets were commonly be repurposed, reused, and 
recycled. Frequently they are altered to make new products from the sheet metal. 
Examples include: perforations below the rim to hold a bail handle, or holes on the 
bottom to act as strainers, or completely disassembling for unknown purposes. 
Evidence of grease production in the form of crushed bones can still be found, but 
identifiable samples with less intensive bone reduction become more prevalent in the 
newer assemblages recovered in Sam’s cabin. Stone tools such as anvil-stones are still 
present and used in this period as seen by the anvil in the excavation at Sam’s Cabin 
(510N 498E, Ch.5.3). Scatters of bone fragments are found around the rock, indicating 
the stone is a platform for breaking bone (Figure 5.6). Based on ethnographic evidence, 
bones are held against a rock and struck with the butt end of an axe to be shattered 
before grease production (Sam Carpenter per. com. 2018). Recovered glass container-
ware in Sam’s Cabin originally functioned to package spirits, wines and tinctures. At this 
time the transportation of canned wet foods to remote locations was still not common.  
 The construction of the first rough ice roads in the 1930’s into the area allowed 
for the transportation of goods by cat-trains (bulldozer drawn sleigh convoys). Cat-train 
freight across the region continued to grow throughout the 1930’s, necessitating more 
roads to be built (Heinrichs, M., D. Hiebert 2004, Rogers, E. S., D. B. Smith 1994). Such 
 192
transportation networks were limited to the winter months. Federal services such as 
postal delivery and policing employed aircraft as early as the 1940’s (plate B9). World 
War Two era planes were employed in many of these operations (Heinrichs, M., D. 
Hiebert 2004). Access to new shipping methods made commercial fishing a viable form 
of income, bolstering a subsistence economy. These roads, as well as the introduction 
of ice roads further north, also make products like white gas, gasoline, and canned 
goods more readily available throughout the communities of the Little North. Air travel, 
still costly and difficult to organize, did not become commonplace until the 1960’s and 
70’s. 
 Material assemblages recovered during the 1960’s were difficult to locate and 
determine. Multiple diagnostic, tobacco tins, beer bottles, and pop cans were found with 
a scattering of sawed moose bones. Middens were not extensive or large and the lack 
of assemblage reinforces a noted method for waste disposal in the community in which 
garbage is hauled to remote areas. The material remains of animals such as moose, 
ducks, and fish become more scattered, less localized and harder to find. It is also 
possible that materials from earlier occupations (1950’s to 1960’s) could be buried 
under the larger piles of cans from later occupations; however, due to time constraints, 
excavations of recent can piles were limited in sample size. The presence of associated 
sawed or simply disarticulated and not crushed moose bones indicates a step away 
from intensive grease rendering, although communications with Elsie Sakakeesic 
indicate bones would be sawn and boiled for soup, with rendered fats skimmed and 
collected for later use. In the 1970’s and 1980’s, a significant shift in the community's 
food source can be seen. The midden at Cabin 7 (Table E.24, Pg. 282) exemplifies this 
shift, as it has a higher frequency of canned goods and no faunal material present. Pop 
cans, once a luxury item, become the most populated item in the assemblage at 70 out 
of 207 cans, (Table E.1). Sam’s daughter Elsie recalls getting a can of juice for helping 
to offload a float planes cargo. No record of reused or modified cans were recovered in 
the assessed assemblage. Carnation condensed milk cans have a high frequency 
consisting of 58 of 207 cans. Canned meat products are also found, indicating a shift 
 193
away from a subsistence lifestyle. Subsistence is now largely tied to a cash economy 
based on furs, commercial fishing, out of town work, air-travel and tourism.  
 The Ice House, located near the Mission House (Plate E4), served as a storage 
facility for the local commercial fishing industry during the summer months (Sam 
Carpenter and Elsie Sakakeesic, per. com. 2018). Increased intensity of commercial 
fishing during the 1960’s was enabled by an ability to expedite transportation of fish with 
the introduction of air travel. Large amounts of fish bone can be found in the Ice House 
which was used up until the 1980’s. “Until the 1960's we transported furs and fish from 
the north with our fleet of two, 2-seat Super Cubs. In time, we began evolving into 
tourist flying and air ambulance service throughout the north” (slatefallsair.com). The 
frequent trips made by plane picking up furs and fish allowed for a marked increase in 
commodities such as canned goods and luxury foods. In 1970 the federal government 
set up the Freshwater Fish Marketing Board in an attempt to stabilize fish prices. “Under 
the FFMB all fish had to be shipped to Winnipeg, which caused a packing plant in 
central Patricia to be closed down, fish prices remained stable while the cost of 
everything else - cost of doing business, boats, motors, gasoline, nets, went up and up 
so the returns kept getting lower” (M. Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg.85) 
 The presence of docks along the shoreline of Bamaji Lake in front of many 
cabins allowed for the fast unloading and loading of not only boats and canoes, but later 
airplanes. The maintenance of these was an indicator of the preferred method of 
transportation, in which the people still largely relied on utilization of waterways to travel, 
which quickly adapted to air travel. Nowadays, most houses in Slate Falls do not have 
docks; vehicles are commonplace with access to Sioux Lookout one hour south via an 
all-weather gravel road. Connection to the waterways the land is still strong in the 
community, as each house has various watercraft docked in front of it. Most common 
are aluminum hulled boats, with outboard motors. Today fishing is still a very large part 
of community life and walleye are widely sought after and eaten. Grease, such as that 
from bacon, is still collected and saved in jars and containers for later use, although 
most is no longer wild sourced. All refuse is now brought to a landfill site.
 194
7.4 Cabins & Housing Shift  
  
 The cabins and structures in Old Slate Falls were documented to reveal changes 
through time detailing construction techniques, village layout, and material used. Over 
time, the Old Slate Falls Village occupation shifted in a general easterly fashion along 
the north shore of the lake. The earliest known cabins and reported wigwams were 
located closer to the falls with successive cabins being built to the east. Cabins were 
often reused and some families chose to live in more secluded locations. 
 Tipi-like wigwams were the traditional housing choice for the Miskeegogamang. 
Sam remembers some of the “old timers” living in structures like this further from the 
water’s edge near the Falls (reference Plate B7 for similar structure). Traditionally 
covered with bark, hides or boughs, the most recent of these structures might have 
used canvas, plastic sheeting or tarps. These structures were never discovered. They 
would be obscured beneath the thick carpet of moss and likely indicated only by soil 
stains from post holes and hearths. Wigwams would be built where they were needed 
and could be rebuilt multiple times each year according to seasonal movements. 
 These traditional structures were likely replaced with walled tents. These canvas 
tents were suspended using a pole frame. In winter a low rectangle of dovetailed logs 
formed the lower walls of the tent, with the canvas tent extending above it, and heated 
with a sheet metal stoves. These stoves were possibly first homemade, but would later 
be purchased. The use of easily transportable shelters indicates a semi sedentary 
lifestyle. Log cabins became more prominent for winter habitation as the tradition of 
semi-sedentarism started to wane. Some families began to live year-round in one 
location, while others use walled tents only during the summer months when they 
travelled to trade, trap, and visit friends and family. Evidence of tents in Slate Falls can 
be seen in the Rooster family home, Cabin 9, on the far east side of the village, roughly 
2 km east of the Mackenzie cabins. At this site, a section of square flattened earth 
indicates the location of a walled tent, with the frame of a newer walled tent found ten 
meters to the northwest (Appendix E, pg. 284). Limitations on finding tent platforms 
 195
were noted due to the relatively little disturbance these structures made, needing only 
level ground.  
Cabin structures in Slate Falls were found frequently and indicate the propensity 
for which these structures were used and built during the 20th Century. During the early 
years cabins were likely shared seasonally between multiple families like a modern 
timeshare agreement as they traveled to trade, fish, and trap. Wealth and status still 
played a part in a family’s ability to build a cabin, and those well-off were more likely to 
have one. While Sam lived in a cabin as a child, he remembers some of the older 
people were still living in wigwams, possibly reflecting personal preference for older 
people to living in housing more consistent with their younger life. 
As access to new technology and ideas grew, cabin design and materials 
changed. Bucksaws and large Swede-saw blades were discovered in nearby refuse 
dumps, suggesting planks and boards may have been sawn for roofs, gables, window 
frames and doors although, there lacks definitive evidence for hand sawn boards in 
Slate Falls. Interpretations of the post-1930's material assemblage of cabins indicate a 
gradual shift and adaptation towards European technology and construction techniques, 
with imported milled lumber becoming more common through time.  
Dovetails (the method with which the logs are stacked to create a structure) was 
particularly of interest, giving a wide range of temporal data through the use of axes, 
saws, chainsaws and steel spikes. Chinking could also be a useful indicator. It is 
expected that older cabins had moss chinking while newer ones used fibreglass 
insulation or even discarded textiles (often old European cabins have rope chinking 
rather than moss). Some cabins, such as 3 and 5, have both, suggesting continued 
occupation or reuse (refer to Chapter 6.6.a Pg.164, and Pg.275 Appendix E, 
respectively). 
The introduction of chainsaws to the community, perhaps as early as the 1950's 
and certainly by the 1960's, allowed for much faster modification of lumber and greater 
 196
access to raw materials through efficient tree felling. We noted more frequent use of 
planks as time passed in the more recent cabins or in additions to older cabins, leading 
to more modern cabin architecture and the appearance of houses. Some of these 
planks appear to be locally made (rough lumber) while others are imported milled and 
planed boards and framing lumber. Plate B.3 displays methods in the early 20th Century 
for hand cutting lumber on Lake St. Joseph. 
Most cabins were initially constructed with one open room, often divided with 
privacy walls. Additional rooms were built onto the original structure as family members 
were born or brought into the house. These additions were built adjoined to one side of 
the cabin, with a doorway to the new feature cut through the original wall using a 
chainsaw, evidence of this is seen in Cabins 4, 5, 7, and 9. Frequently, these doors are 
reinforced with solid frames. Additionally, the bottom and top logs were left uncut to 
maintain structural integrity (Figure 6.30 provides a clear example). Windows in the log 
cabins are fashioned in a similar way . 
Houses were used and abandoned as needed in the old community. Older, 
derelict log cabins were reported to be sometimes renovated and repaired for later 
reuse. A good example of this is Cabin 3 (Figure 6.34). The structure is small, 
approximately five meters by five meters, and is constructed in a manner typical to the 
early 1900’s. An axe found at the site dates to the 1870’s (refer to Plate D.4, Pg. 261). 
The structure is comparable to Sam’s Cabin in approximate size and construction 
methods, such as axe hewn dovetails, tar paper roofing, moss chinking, multiple raised 
floors (indicating at least one renovation) and numerous wood stoves lying outside of it. 
Yet many new features appear on the cabin as well, including additional fibreglass 
insulation, plastic vapour barrier, a new stovepipe and chimney, new roofing covering 
the old tar paper, and snow machine track-covered stairs.  
 Reuse of cabins can be evidenced by refurbishments, such as upgrades to stove 
piping and integration of newer technologies. This is evident with efforts to equip some 
of the standing cabins in Slate Falls with household electrical wiring stapled to the inner 
 197
side of log cabin walls with switch boxes and outlets secured to the log walls. Some of 
these later cabins also featured gas stoves supplied by large propane tanks. Many of 
the Slate Falls Elders recall that young families would move out to build cabins for 
themselves. 
Cabin 3 had an extended use-life, the most recent being by the Loon family as 
indicated by personal items pertaining to the last-name within the structure. The 
refurbishment and reuse of the cabin is thought to have occurred multiple times. The 
reuse of structures such as Cabin 3, and the reuse of building materials and resources 
allowed members of the community to support themselves through ingenuity and 
creativity being applied to modern goods and materials.  
The continuous occupation of cabins can be seen in Cabin 5, where multiple 
kinds of chinking and logs are used to fashion one cabin, indicating multiple rounds of 
repair and refurbishment over an extended period of occupation. Cabins were built as 
needed from existing supplies, with sill logs resting on the ground, and heavy winter 
snow loads resulting is comparatively frequent refurbishment. Sam reported that when 
his mother died when he was a child, his father and siblings moved farther west along 
the shoreline for a fresh start, abandoning the old cabin. Whether the structure itself 
was moved or if a new cabin was constructed is not known, it's possible that the 
structure itself was dismantled and made into new structure such as Cabin 5 (Appendix 
E, Pg. 275). Similar to the movement of Sam’s family, another unseen cause of 
relocation in the settlement was attributed to wanting to be with a friend who moved. An 
example is seen when Sam’s father moved east and The Old Cree Ladies (Annablle 
and Betsy) followed him, to continue the association and mutual support of neighbours. 
It is also possible that these elderly ladies depended upon Sam’s father for support to 
some extent. 
  Cabin 2 offers another example of reuse and repurposing of materials (Chapter 
6.1b, Pg.140). Occupied during the 1970’s, only the log foundation remains while 
multiple cabins dating from the 1980’s are still standing in good condition. The absence 
 198
of cabin walls and lack of larger beams in Cabin 2 suggest that the log walls and other 
vital components could be recycled into another cabin, leaving behind the decaying sill-
log and floor joists that rested on the ground surface. Even as housing structures shifted 
from cabins to multi-story houses, wood stoves were still largely used until the 
community moved to the south side of the lake. Wood stoves are still likely used by 
many in the community.
 When Slate Falls was moved, it was imperative to maintain access to the 
waterfront in order to allow ease of access of watercraft and the connectivity to the land. 
In discussions with Slate Falls locals, they observed the actions of the Indian Affairs 
relocation of people to houses set up on grids and the struggle to subsist that it created. 
“Government housing in New Osnaburg, was formed off of a grid system, denying many 
people ease of access to shore front, limiting their ability to travel by water front” (M. 
Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg.172). 
 
 199
7.5 Ethnography & Archaeology, Supporting Evidence & 
Downfalls 
 One of the goals of this project was to integrate archaeological information with 
the extensive knowledge deriving from the Slate Falls Elders. Frederico Oliveira 
conducted extensive interviews with the Slate Falls people in order to build a 
comprehensive understanding of village life, genealogy and local history (Oliveira 2018). 
This ethnographic data was made available to inform the archaeological investigation.  
 These ethnographic accounts provide interpretations about recovered material 
goods such as foodstuffs, lodgings, trade goods, and subsistence technology. A second, 
no less important focus, was to document the direction of cultural change that is 
frequently tied to material changes.  
Supporting Evidences 
 The section ‘supporting evidences’ provides documented archaeological 
recordings which have closely related anthropological data. Interpretations on the use of 
collected or found archaeological materials were made frequently using the first hand 
accounts from members of the Slate Falls Village. A wide range of examples which are 
seen throughout this thesis are detailed below.  
Although much of the village growth and development appears to have begun as 
early as the mid 1800's and flourished throughout the mid to late 1900’s, frequent Pre-
contact artifacts were recovered which span far into prehistory. The existence of older 
occupations are further confirmed by Sam Carpenter's oral history: “ [Upon the arrival of 
Sam’s great grandfather] The Loons were already in this area. I got the story from my 
grandmother and my dad” (pg. 10 Oliveira 2018).
 200
Figure 7.1, Date range of recovered artifacts from Slate Falls.
 201
According to oral testimonies of Slate 
Falls elders, historic occupation of the Slate 
Falls area is proposed to be mid 1800’s 
going into early 1900’s. Our archaeological 
sample largely reaffirms this (Figure 7.1). 
Examples of artifacts from the early days of 
the Slate Falls Village include pocket-watch 
casings and gears, a rail road button (ca. 
1911), a Welland and Vale axe head (ca.
1860-1899), refined white earthenware bowl 
fragments (manufactured by Johnson 
Brothers ca.1891-1930), a type B cut spike 
(ca.1810-1900) and pock-mark speckling on 
Figure 7.2, Artifact # LUBC-TPHKM9-19, 
the base of a bullet from EgJv-6 consistent base of bullet with blackpowder specking.
with that of a black powder charge (refer 
Figure 7.2, ca. 1875-1940’s). Sam remembers his father telling him his grandfather 
used a percussion cap rifle which is a pre-curser to the recovered round, which also 
utilized black powder as a propellant. Percussion cap primers for muzzleloaders were 
introduced in 1820, but by the 1870’s brass casings had largely made the percussion 
cap system obsolete. A dateable time span for the bullet and use of percussion cap 
rifles is difficult to establish due to possibilities of conservative firearm retention.  
“Before freeze-up, we stayed close to Slate Falls. Chopping wood, 
setting snares around the house or getting water. In a way, I miss 
that kind of life. I remember my dad and uncles spending the 
remaining weeks making sure that their toboggans, sleds, dog 
stuffs, trapping equipment, snowshoes and other gears were in 
good condition” (Joe Carpenter cited in Frederico Oliveira 2018 
Pg. 19).  
 202
 The excavations conducted in Slate Falls revealed sequences of archaeological 
information directly reflecting Joe Carpenter’s memories. Recovered materials in the 
area surrounding Sam’s Cabin (one of the Carpenter family) included: axes, buckets, 
snare wires, Dog sled buckles, files, tacks, sheet metal trimmings, and parts of leg-hold 
traps. Carnivore gnawing is present on some larger bones but cannot directly be 
attributed to dog activity. 
Oral histories relayed by Sam indicate that frequent canoe travel was made to 
Lac Seul. Hudson, an important transportation hub on Lac Seul opened its first rail 
station in 1910. Members of Slate Falls often sought jobs outside the community. The 
archaeological connection to the rail line and external employment opportunities can be 
seen through the presence of the railway workers button, and the presence of Vacuum 
Oil cans (ca. 1869-1931) Found in EgJv-6 and EgJv-5 respectively. Originally made for 
railway lubricant oil, Vacuum oil had a wider application in its later years. The oil was 
hypothesized to be used in two stroke engines such as outboard motors or chainsaws. 
Sam relayed that the village would travel by canoe to Lake St. Joseph for annual 
gathering and annuity payments at Osnaburg house. Like the old days, they would 
travel by canoe, but would form a convoy with what was likely a two-stroke outboard 
motor on the lead vessel. 
When excavating Sam’s Cabin, bones, cans, and ash are found in the leaf litter 
throughout all the test pits. A direct corresponding quote was provided by Elsie 
Carpenter (per. com. 2018) “Rubbish was scattered outside, flung out the cabin door or 
walked out and then chucked, there was no particular dumping place”. As test pits were 
dug farther north from the cabin, a corresponding decrease in faunal assemblage was 
noted. Largely built up with refuse materials, a nearby area downslope from the cabin is 
interpreted to be an archaeological midden. This area, which has large sections of 
undulating bedrock, acted as an area which material could easily have been flung. This 
action follows patterns of waste disposal of sheet midden and broadcast scatter which 
can seen throughout numerous other site types documented by historic and prehistoric 
 203
archaeologists such as Stanley South (1979), John Yellen (1979), and Lewis Binford 
(1978). 
The majority of fish bone recovered is burnt or calcined, indicative of waste 
disposal and a traditional method of cooking 
dictated by Elsie Carpenter in 2018, “Fish 
would be gutted in a particular fashion so as 
to not fully open the belly, entrails would be 
pulled out of the front of the fish and a stick 
would then be pushed into the cavity formed 
by the removal, at which fish would be 
roasted over the fire by hand.” The high 
assoc iat ion of f ishbones in hear th 
components could additionally be a matter 
of increased preservation from ashes of the 
fire. Left in the open, these delicate 
cartilaginous materials could be scavenged 
or broken down with relative speed.  
“People filleted the whitefish and Figure 7.3, Scott inspects a modified tree 
then smoke-dried them over a indicating birch bark stripping.
smouldering fire. With a wooden 
spoon they broke up some of the 
smoked fish into a powder, to which they added berries. This is the 
fish pemmican that was stored in specially designed birch bark 
boxes” (Oliveira, 2018 pg. 25) 
 The archaeological documentation of culturally modified trees was widely seen 
through axe felled logs, but only one tree displayed evidence of bark stripping; a large 
dead birch tree (refer to Figure 7.3). The use of birch was noted by both Elsie 
Sakakeesic and Sam Carpenter (per. com. 2018 & 2021) for lodging materials, canoe 
building, and food storage containers. 
 204
Pemmican was noted by Elsie (per. com. 2021) to have been eaten with grease 
which would be rendered from animal matter. Elsie indicated that sawn moose bones 
were boiled for soup while grease was skimmed out the pot as the bones boiled. A small 
refuse dump to the East of Sams Cabin dating to the 1950’s (based on diagnostic 
tobacco tins) displayed a number of sawn moose bones. The archaeological 
assemblage recovered indicates that grease production was more intensive in earlier 
periods. A large amount of crushed bone found throughout EgJv-5 and EgJv-6 indicates 
a high level of food processing. Increasingly intensive grease exploitation at Bonecrush 
has been attributed to older historic components due to intermixed dateable historic 
materials, (refer to Ch. 5.4). Grease manufacturing would be conducted through the 
boiling of bones to render fat and marrow. Although not as extensively processed as at 
Bonecrush or Pepsi and Flipflop, the Sam’s Cabin site continues to show marrow 
extraction and some degree of grease rendering. Larger bone fragments are much 
more common at this location and indicate less intensive grease production. The 
Carpenters recall that lard was sparingly used; it was costly and was purchased rarely. 
Grease, locally sourced, would substitute for purchased lard. Frying and roasting over 
the fire was conveyed by Sam to be a major way of cooking. Grease would also be 
collected as it dripped off a roasting carcass such as beaver.
Lynx, mink and other fur-bearing animal remains that were found on site lead to a 
hypothesis that the residents in the of Sam’s Cabin area were overwintering. Many fur 
bearing animals are harvested during winter times due to better qualities of fur and, 
thus, higher prices fetched for them. “Marten was good only [for fur quality] after 
February. Lynx, also, but it was very difficult to find them” (Billy Masakeyash, cited in 
Ferderico Oliveira, 2018 pg. 22). 
 205
Downfalls 
 This section seeks to acknowledge the biased nature of conducting any 
interpretive work in anthropology. Bias can be seen when applying attributes to places, 
items, resources, or verbal materials. Many attributes can be based on previous biases 
which create situations displayed below such as false positives, or conflicting evidence. 
It is hoped that in utilizing many perspectives the author attempts to minimize and 
mitigate the effects of inherent bias. 
 A false positive situation for archaeology is seen through the discovery of a 
midden pile located on a small peninsula below The Slate Falls. On the peninsula a 
large mound and scatter of ferric waste materials such as cans, saw blades, wood-stove 
parts, and fuel containers were located. This was interpreted as a midden and thought 
to therefore have a corresponding cabin. No cabin foundation was found in the 
immediate area. Upon further consultation with locals, it was revealed that this was a 
dump location from a cleaning drive done to remove refuse from a nearby island with a 
cabin on it.
 An example of bias through archaeological interpretation can be seen in localized 
concentrations of faunal material uncovered in EgJv-6 (Bonecrush). These 
concentrations or piles were hypothesized as the remnants of Cree and Ojibwe 
traditions in which bones were bundled and hung in trees so as to keep them from dogs 
and scavengers; sanctifying the bones and spirit of the animals. Upon further 
consultation with various community members no knowledge of this process was 
offered, although oral testimony from Delford  Mitchell (2021) indicates that his great 
great grandfather practised traditional Native spirituality. Poor temporal placement of the 
bone piles as well created difficulties in establishing chronologies and dates. Artifacts 
such as pocket-watches, black powder bullets, tin-can fragments, and buttons would 
sometimes be found intermixed, as well as prehistoric artifacts such as flakes and stone 
tools. Artifact dates found range from the prehistoric into the 1910’s (refer to Chapter 
5.4). 
 206
Broader cultural traditions and histories such as the movements of people, life 
skills and traditional areas remained steadfast in the oral traditions of the Slate Falls 
peoples. Daily life routines often considered benign or forgetful, such as what kind of 
food they ate out of tin cans were readily lost. This could be a result of the direction of 
enquiry and the questions asked in interviews as ethnographic accounts displayed 
immense information on material and physical goods. 
 While the archaeological documentation of cabin reuse was confirmed by 
ethnographic data, in certain situations ethnography could provide the only explanation 
for archaeological data. In the previous section (Ch. 7.4), I discussed the abandonment 
of Sam’s Cabin. This move is impossible to understand through the lens of archaeology. 
Instead, the ethnographical data acquired from interviews with community elders 
revealed social motivation; through the passing of a loved one. Although archaeology 
can portray many aspects of changing village life, ethnography cannot be replaced 
when encountering situations such as this.  
The ethnographic information utilized throughout this investigation allowed rapid 
location of housing complexes, and material culture remains. Collected accounts tended 
to remember larger cultural shifts, new technologies, interpersonal affairs, and village 
life. Archaeological assemblages are largely composed the remnants of daily tasks, and 
maintenance and creation of tools or structures. Many of the ethnographic accounts 
were collected by Frederico Oliveira, who through the nature of his education and 
interests, would be compelled to enquire in different subjects and topics than most 
archaeologists. A noticeable bias towards conducting archaeological excavations is 
evident throughout this thesis; time management placed importance on the mapping 
and discovery of ancient structures and documentation of the historic Village. This basic 
assumption of study bias likely explains differences in the ethnographic accounts and 
the archeological findings. The inherent nature of this bias exemplifies the need to 
conduct ethnography and archaeology together to provide a broader understanding of 
cultural landscapes and the people who used them.
 207
7.5.a Concluding Ethnography & Archaeology 
Informal ethnographic enquiries were conducted in the field with the youth of 
Slate Falls. When asking about older knowledge and traditional techniques passed 
down, locational knowledge was strong; fishing locations, animal habitats and habits, 
techniques to catch and hunt, and Village layout and were key parts of knowledge-
scapes. Some traditional tasks were recalled such as fire-hardening sharpened willow 
spears and gaffs for fish. In another instance superstitions and some forms of spirituality 
were relayed by the youth. Interviews with Sam and Elsie Carpenter, and Delford 
Mitchell allowed for enquiries into daily life, tasks and food procurement strategies, 
giving vital insight towards the interpretation of recovered archaeological assemblages. 
Access to some of Frederico’s data and publications assisted to fill the limited 
ethnographic studies collected by the author. Given more time, further enquiries into life 
during the 1950’s would detail an important transitionary time in the village.  
Members of the community who lived in Slate Falls before the town was 
relocated to the south side of the lake reminisce about living in Old Slate Falls, speaking 
of how times were better, and the community closer.  
 208
“We cannot understand the present nor project into the future 
unless we first understand the past” (John Long, 1978b). 
 209
CH.8 Conclusion 
Introduction  
 Recent Aboriginal social history in Northern Ontario is complex, rapidly changing, 
and poorly understood. There is an urgent need to find, document and understand what 
village life was like for Natives during the Post-contact period, before these histories are 
lost to time. This more recent past is not well documented in written form, and is more 
completely represented in Elders’ memories. This oral history is vulnerable to loss 
unless collection and synthesis is undertaken while the last generation of people who 
participated in the subarctic trap line lifestyle are still with us.  
 The work done here attempts to collect and integrate two different types of 
information: the oral history of Slate Falls Elders as collected by ethnographers, and 
material culture evidence deriving from archaeological enquiry. These two information 
sources are sometimes not directly comparable, but in Slate Falls each provided a 
means to evaluate and more fully understand the other. Through integration of the 
knowledge sources, we will be able to develop a more complete sense of recent history 
in the Northern Boreal Forest.  
 210
Thesis Summary 
 The main work of this thesis is summarized below though each chapter, this is 
done in order to assist the reader in understanding the scope of the work conducted in 
this investigation.  
Chapter 1 is meant to act as an opening defining the parameters of the culture history, 
the village and structure layout and the motives of the study. 
Chapter 2 defines the confines of published history in the area while providing a 
background on which to contrast the knowledge documented in this thesis. This allows 
the author to display a new categorization of recent history through defining three 
phases; the Post-contact, Traditional to Transitional, which then lead into the Modern 
era (refer to Chapter 2.3 Pg. 32- 50. This concept is further detailed in the discussion 
Chapter 7.1 Pg. 179 - 185). 
Chapter 3 discusses techniques of documentation for the archaeological process and 
how oral traditions were utilized to enhance the speed and accuracy at which 
archaeological investigations can occur. As well Chapter 3 provides locational data 
through numerous maps (Figure 3.1 - 3.4) and for where sites are how each site was 
approached though the investigation. 
Chapter 4 displays the immense wealth of knowledge that the Slate Falls Elders and 
residents maintain and allows the inferences that are provided in Chapter 7.5. 
 Chapter 5 documents the results of the archaeological investigations conducted in the 
Slate Falls area. The Slate Falls Archaeological project allowed for the documentation of 
six new sites in the borden area. The investigations preformed on each site provide 
quantitative data to be combined with the attributes and knowledge in Chapter 4, 
creating the qualitative knowledge seen in Chapter 7  
 211
 Chapter 6 results document changes in inhabitation structures and provides diagnostic 
materials relevant to the original construction of the structures, their maintenance and 
material culture of the village seen in the scattering of waste and refuse recorded in 
Chapters 5 and 6. 
Chapter 7 brings a combined view to understand and create the narrative of Slate Falls 
as a culture area. As well It details shifts in habitation style, life-cycles (through shifts in 
sedentarisim) and subsistence. Shifts in Subsistence and utilized resources create a 
dialogue which indicates major cultural shifts generalized in the attributes defined by the 
author detailing the Traditional, Transitional and Modern phases. The chapter further 
continues to provide qualitative evidence for the interpretations of Northern Boreal Life 
through fact checking and examination of inherent bias seen in the manner of field work 
Body  
 During the course of two seasons; 2017 and 2018, the Slate Falls Archaeological 
Project identified 6 archaeological sites and 18 historic structures. This archaeological 
investigation undertook the task to identify shifts in habitation and lifestyle within the 
village. Through documenting and interpreting the material culture of Slate Falls we are 
able to more fully understand the changes seen in Northwestern Ontario throughout the 
recent historic and archaeological record. 
 The anthropological perspectives collected in Slate Falls convey the physical and 
emotional changes experienced by a people when integrating new cultures into their 
life. The integration of ethnographic accounts and oral histories adds an interpretative 
resolution to this thesis. The interpretations on findings and data when archaeology and 
ethnography were combined would not have been possible using each approach on its 
own (refer to Chapter 7.5). Archaeological research and excavation was frequently 
conducted utilizing the histories detailed by Slate Falls elders such as Sam’s map 
(Figure 6.2). Utilizing the knowledge on the land provided fast and invaluable service to 
 212
locating sites. The consistent success of these excavations further validates the need to 
interview First Nations peoples and document their oral histories. According to oral 
testimonies of Slate Falls elders, wide spread settlement of the study area may date 
from the mid 1800's and extending through much of the 1900's. Our Post-contact 
sample is largely congruent with this.  
 Representations of the Post-contact inhabitation of Slate Falls are displayed in 
Figure 7.1 and indicate that the majority of Post-contact material began to appear in the 
late 1870’s to the early 1910’s. This follows the same narrative provided by the Slate 
Falls Elders in which there are multiple habitations of the village beginning with the Loon 
family, incorporating the Carpenters, and then opening up to the Mishkeegogamang and 
later some Europeans who integrated into the community.  
 The documentation of cabins and structures in Old Slate Falls provides an 
overview of: construction techniques, village layout, and material culture over time in 
response to rapid changes defining the 20th Century. Shifts in habitation type and 
lifestyle are key to understanding the changes seen in the recent historic and 
archaeological record. Major cultural shifts are readily evident through changes in living 
patterns within Old Slate Falls. This is suggested in shifts from semi-sedentary to fully 
sedentary life, access to greater quantities and diversity of imported goods, 
transformation of household size and architectural features, the consequences of the 
registered trap line system, commercial fishing, and the eventual move to contemporary 
reserve life. It also suggests a persistence of Traditional economic activities, 
technologies and lifestyles longer than suggested by the existing ethnohistoric 
synthesis. 
 213
  The documentation of Slate Falls detailed in this thesis explores many aspects 
of village life, both Modern and Historic. The wide scope of the investigation additionally, 
allows for categorization of the Historic Period into more coherent segments based on 
lived experience of community members as they adjusted to the rapid change of the 
recent past. For the people of Lake St. Joseph and Natives in Northern Ontario, there 
are several important time periods that see major changes in social, economic, and 
material structure and assemblage. 
The Post-contact (historic) period is split into three categories: 
Post-contact Traditional 1650 - 1850  
Transitional 1850- 1960 
Modern 1960 - present  
 These categories are designated by the introduction of European goods and 
when Europeans are first encountered by the local population. When applying these 
same periods to other sites, different dates are likely to apply, due to the timing of the 
inland movement of goods and people. The dates are also affected by varying rates of 
acculturation occurring across different Native groups. 
 In Slate Falls, significant cultural changes result during the implementation of 
annuity payments, redistribution of trapping grounds, and implementation of treaty 
rights. One such change noted is a move towards sedentary, centralized lifestyles with a 
widespread use of cabins. Significant shifts in access and use of non-local material 
culture transformed lifestyles, reconfigured household organization, and led to a gradual 
erosion of traditional harvest activities in face of wage labour, commercial fishing, 
annuities, day schools, and more regular access to the outside world through float 
planes, winter roads and improved telecommunications. Consumption of imported foods 
shifted from a narrow range of staples to supplement country food, to become the 
increasingly dominant foodstuff. Luxury goods, board games and radios also become 
apparent in the community refuse middens. 
 214
 Testimony from Elsie Sakakeesic indicated that trappers in the area preferred the 
Slate Falls area and indicated its productivity and that ‘the land was better’ (per. com. 
2021). The shallows and rapids along with its location at the head of the lake provided 
good fishing grounds and fertile water. The strong land-based economy in Slate Falls 
endowed a greater economic independence for the community, supporting opportunities 
for self-identity. 
 Slate Falls was set to be moved to Osnaburg where they would join the closely 
related Mishkeegogamang. The core families making up Slate Falls made a conscious 
decision in the 30's and 40's to not yield to the pressure to move to New Osnaburgh 
where other members of the band were relocated. The physical separation from Lake 
St. Joseph meant that the Slate Falls people remained insulated from the ecological 
disruption caused by the flooding of Lake St. Joseph. This autonomy led them to be 
more effective in resisting the ‘directed culture change’ imposed by INAC and the 
provincial government, and were better able to resist the social disruptions of reserve 
life. Local education provided by the Mennonite Mission and later a provincially run 
school allowed for increased participation in traditional practices instead of attending 
boarding school. By utilizing the land's resources but more importantly adapting to 
shifting pressures, the people of Slate Falls were able to maintain their autonomy. This 
was achieved in part though the establishment of entrepreneurial enterprises such as 
Slate Falls Air, the Mackenzie’s tourist operation, commercial fishing, and the 
maintained operation of traditional hunting and trapping grounds.  
 A series of negotiations for increased services concluded with the establishment 
of an independent reserve of Slate Falls First Nation, and eventually a relocation of the 
village across the bay. The community would maintain a degree of autonomy by staying 
along the shores of North Bamaji Lake. Housing and village layout would not be dictated 
by Indian Affairs, this assisted in maintaining traditional life-ways and close connections 
to the land. 
 215
 This thesis gives insight into the changes that take place when a First Nations 
community retains independence after treaty processes, and the step-wise 
transformation influenced by the growing influence of government programs and 
policies and changing access to non-local goods.  
 The goal of this thesis is to assist in providing resources for the people of Slate 
Falls to preserve and celebrate their history, and to document the recent Post-contact 
history in Northern Ontario. It is through knowing one's past, and connections to the 
land, the understanding of space and place, and the ability to trace lineage that self-
determination can be asserted. 
 Continued use of the land is maintained today through fishing, hunting and 
trapping by the residents of Slate Falls. Although the village location has shifted, Old 
Slate Falls lies within view and is commonly talked about. Younger generations hunt, 
explore and fish the shores of the north side of the lake and older generations reminisce 
of simpler times in the village. 
 216
Figure 8.1, Four photographs provided from Image provided from Isabella Cook's 
personal collection show frames of life on the other side of the lake in Old Slate Falls. 
 217
2  18
Recommendations 
Further exploration in order to refine our understanding of northern Native life 
needs to be conducted. The research done in Slate Falls provides a substantial base for 
new investigations. Below, I will list a series of five recommendations for further projects 
and investigations which could be conducted to expand cultural, scientific and historic 
understandings of Northern Ontario and the local archaeological record. 
1. The site Pepsi & Flipflop (EgJv-9) provides a well preserved record of faunal 
materials and ground stone tools in a poorly understood period of time in the northern 
boreal forest. Further detailing and excavation of this site could yield impressive insight 
into the ancient deposits. Ground stone tools should be analyzed for phytolith, starch, 
and other residues so as to expand our knowledge of dietary habits during the Laurel 
period in a remote area with little previous archaeological work conducted.  
2. According to oral testimonies of Slate Falls elders place the development of 
the village to be from the mid 1800’s early 1900’s. Expanding on these testimonies with 
more consultations, as well as bringing community members to archaeological sites to 
discuss findings in greater detail would help to further prove the assertions made in this 
thesis. Performing dendrochronology on the cabins to solidify dates on the cut logs 
would provide insight into the earliest cabin construction and occupation of the Old Slate 
Falls Village. Soil samples need to be searched for the presence of lipids, starch, and 
phytoliths in order to verify the use of many of the cultural depressions. Additionally, 
microanalysis should be conducted on the ground stone implements recovered in the 
excavations. 
 219
3. My interpretations on the Mackenzie beach site (EgJv-7) indicate that 
controlled excavations in this location would provide materials and records from the 
early fur trade period. This smooth, sloping beach would have been the ideal location to 
stage and rest before ascending the falls and was likely used to haul birch bark canoes 
and boats on to the shore without fear of damage. I predict that occupations from the 
1700’s leading back to the Pre-contact period would be uncovered from further work 
conducted in this area.  
4. Multiple CMT’s have been recorded and through ethnography it can be 
determined that a medical reliance on herbal knowledge did exist in Old Slate Falls. An 
expansion on the medicines and healthcare of Natives with their traditional procedures 
would provide valuable and useful knowledge. This would be collected from an aging 
populous, who could only provide these details for so long. 
 5. The Formalized understanding of Post-contact First Nations sites are not well 
documented, further work needs to be conducted on these sites in order to understand 
the rapid acculturation which has takes place in many of these communities. Patterns 
such as waste disposal, subsistence acquisition and technology, and localized resource 
utilization should be further documented in order to confirm or contest the phases of the 
Post-contact period described by the author; specifically the Post-contact Traditional, 
Transitional and Modern phases. 
2  20
2  21
Bibliography  
Binford, Lewis R. 
1978 Dimensional analysis of behaviour and site structure: learning from an Eskimo hunting 
stand. American Antiquity 43 
Bishop, Charles A.  
1976. The Emergence Of The Northern Ojibwa: Social And Economic Consequences, American 
Ethnologist, Vol. 3, No. 1, Pp. 39-54, Wiley On Behalf Of The American Anthropological 
Association Accessed on Dec 24th 2019 http://Www.Jstor.Org/Stable/643665 
Black-Rogers, Mary 
1986. Varieties of "Starving": Semantics and Survival in the Subarctic Fur Trade, 1750-1850. 
Duke University Press, Ethnohistory, Vol. 33, No. 4 (Autumn,), pp. 353-383. 
Bourgeault, Ron 
1983. The Indian, the Métis and the Fur Trade: Class, Sexism and Racism in the Transition from 
'Communism' to Capitalism. Studies in Political Economy. 12. 45-80. 
Brönnimann S, Krämer D.  
2016. Tambora and the “Year Without a Summer” of 1816: A Perspective on Earth and Human 
Systems Science. Geographica Bernensia G90. 
Bringhurst, Robert  
1999. A Story as Sharp as a Knife: The Classical Haida Mythtellers and Their World, Vol. 1. 
University of Nebraska Press. 
Bundy, Rob.  
2010. A Place Called Osnaburgh: The history of the Old Post and Village. Accessed in 2018, 
http://www.oldpost.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/07/A-Place-called-Osnaburgh.pdf. 
Campbell, John M.  
1962 Cultural Succession at Anaktuvuk Pass, Arctic Alaska. Arctic Institute of North America, 
Technical Paper No. 11, pp. 39-54, M. Campbell, editor. 
Cat Lake First Nation, Slate Falls Nation and Ontario Ministry of Natural Resources 
July 2011. Cat Lake - Slate Falls Community Based Land Use Plan “Niigaan Bimaadiziwin” – A 
Future Life. 
Cat Lake First Nation and Slate Falls Nation and Ontario Ministry of Natural of Resources  
June, 2008. Cat Lake – Slate Falls Community-based Land Use Planning, with Addendum 
November 6, 2008. 
Chartered Institute for Archaeologists 
2014 . Standard and guidance for the archaeological investigation and recording of standing 
buildings or structures, The Chartered Institute for Archaeologists Miller Building, University of 
Reading, Reading RG6 6AB. Chartered institute for archaeologists. Accessed July 2018, https://
www.archaeologists.net/sites/default/files/CIfAS&GBuildings_1.pdf 
 222
Copway, George 
1851. Traditional History And Characteristic Sketches Of The Ojibway Nation, Pgs 266, Boston, 
B.F. Mussey & Co. 
Cole, Sally. 
1995. Women’s Stories and Boasian Texts: The Ojibwa Ethnography of Ruth Landes and 
Maggie Wilson, Anthropologica, Vol. 37, No. 1, Women's Words, Women's Lives, Canadian 
Anthropology Society, Accessed: 31-03-2018, http://www.jstor.org/stable/25605788 
Dawson, Kenneth C.A. 
1984 A History of Archaeology in Northern Ontario to 1893 With Bibliographic 
Contributions. Ontario Archaeology 42:27-92. 
Dawson, Kenneth C.A.  
1967. Archaeological Investigations At The Site Of The Longlac Historic Trading Post Thunder 
Bay District, Ontario, accessed sept 23 2018, https://Www.Ontarioarchaeology.On.Ca/
Resources/Publications/Oa12-1-Dawson.Pdf 
Duhamel, Roger 
1931. The James Bay Treaty - Treaty No. 9 (Made In 1905 And 1906) And Adhesions Made In 
1929 And 1930, Queen’s Printer And Controller Of Stationery Ottawa, Cat. No.: Ci 72-0964 
Dyke, Arthur S. 
 2004. An Outline of North American Deglaciation with Emphasis on Central and Northern 
Canada, Geological Survey of Canada, 601 Booth Street, Ottawa, Ontario, Canada, K1A 0E8 E 
https://www.lakeheadu.ca/sites/default/files/uploads/53/outlines/2014-15/NECU5311/
Dyke_2004_DeglaciationOutline.pdf 
Echo-Hawk, R.  
(2000). Ancient History in the New World: Integrating Oral Traditions and the Archaeological 
Record in Deep Time. American Antiquity, 65(2), 267-290. 
Fagan, G.H., Ronaldo Munck 
2018. Handbook on Development and Social Change 
Edward Elgar Publishing, BUSINESS & ECONOMICS. 
French, Gary E.  
2010. Axe making in Ontario: in the settlement period. Elmvale, Ont., East Georgian Bay 
Historical Foundation. 
Gordon, Diana Lynn  
1983. North Caribou Lake Archaeology: Northwestern Ontario Mcmaster University, Hamilton, 
Ontario. 
Greenberg, Adolph M., And James Morrison 
1982. Group Identities In The Boreal Forest: The Origin Of The Northern Ojibwa, Ethnohistory, 
Vol. 29, No. 2 (Spring, 1982), Pp. 75-102. Duke University Press 
Accessed: 22-03-2018 http://Www.Jstor.Org/Stable/481370 
Guindon, François 
2009. Iroquoian Pottery at Lake Abitibi: A Case Study of the Relationship Between Hurons and 
Algonkians on the Canadian Shield, Canadian Journal of Archaeology / Journal Canadien 
 223
d'Archéologie, 2009, Vol. 33, No. 1, pp. 65-91, Canadian Archaeological Association, https://
www.jstor.org/stable/41103641 
Heinrichs, M., D. Hiebert  
2003. Mishkeegogamang: The Land, the People and the Purpose: the Story of 
Mishkeegogamang Ojibway Nation, Rosetta Projects. 
Holmquist, James, Glen MacDonald  
2014. Peatland succession and long-term apparent carbon accumulation in central and northern 
Ontario, Canada. The Holocene. 24. 1075-1089. 10.1177/0959683614538074. 
Horn, Jonathon C. 
2005. Historic Artifact Handbook, accessed Sept 2019, 
http://www.alpinearchaeology.com/cms/wp-content/uploads/2010/01/Historic-Artifact-
Handbook.pdf 
Jones, Olive, R., Catherine Sullivan, George L. Miller, E. Ann Smith, lane E. Harris, and Kevin 
Lunn  
1988. The Parks Canada Glass Glossary for the Description of 
Containers, Tableware, Closures, and Flat Glass, Vol. 22, No. 1 pp. 118-120, Springer 
Accessed Oct 2018, https://www.jstor.org/stable/25615675 
Jones, Olive and Catherine Sullivan et. al.  
1989 The Parks Canada GLASS GLOSSARY, Revised Edition, Studies in Archaeology 
Architecture and History, Canadian Government Publishing 
Centre, Supply and Services Canada, Hull, Quebec, Canada KlA OS9. 
Kenyon, W.A 
1986. The History Of James Bay 1610-1686: A study In Historical Archaeology. Royal Ontario 
Museum 
Klenman, Allan  
1990, Axe Makers of North America, Victoria, B.C., Canada, Whistle Punk Books, Currie’s 
Forestgraphics Ltd. 
Lamond, Tom 
2007. Kelly Axe Mfg. Co. / Kelly Axe & Tool Co, The Tool Shed No.148, published by CRAFTS of 
New Jersey. 
Leigh, Syms, E. 
1977 Cultural Ecology and Ecological Dynamics of the Ceramic Period in South western 
Manitoba. Memoir No. 12. Plains Anthropological Society, Lincoln, Nebraska. 
Lenville J. Stelle 
1989. An Archaeological Guide To Historic Artifacts Of The Upper Sangamon Basin, Central 
Illinois, U.S.A. Parkland College Champaign, Illinois With Special Assistance From: Shawn  
Lindsey bill 
2021, Bureau of Land Management, Historic Glass Bottle Identification & Information Website. 
(https://sha.org/bottle/body.htm). 
 224
Long, John 
2006. How the Commissioners Explained Treaty Number Nine to the Ojibway and Cree in 1905, 
Ontario History/Volume XCVIII, Number 1, 29 pgs. 
Long, John 
1978A. Treaty No.9: The Half Breed Question, 1902-1910. Highway Book Shop Cobalt, Ontario, 
Canada, 32 pgs. 
Long, John 
1978B, Treaty No.9: The Negotiations, 1901-1928. Highway Book Shop Cobalt, Ontario, 
Canada, 41 pgs. 
Lytwyn, Victor 
1986. The Fur Trade of the Little North: Indians, Pedlars, and Englishmen East of Lake 
Winnipeg. University of Winnipeg. 
Lindsey, Bill 
2019. SHA.Org. Bottle Bases. accessed Oct 2019, https://sha.org/bottle/bases.htm#Semi-
automatic%20machine%20bases. 
Memmot, Margo 
March 27 2015 What Can This Be? A Practical Workshop on Tin Can Identification and Analysis 
Nevada Achaeological Association 44th Annual Meeting Wendover, Nevada., , 5450 Louie Lane 
#101 Reno, NV 89502 
Meyer, David, Margaret Hanna and Doug Frey 
1999. The Enigma Of Saskatchewan Blackduck: Pottery From The Hanson (Fgni-50) And 
Hokness (Fgni-51) Sites, Midcontinental Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 24, No. 2, pp. 153-175, 
Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. on behalf of the Midwest Archaeological Conference, Inc. 
https://www.jstor.org/stable/20708116 
Miller, David, Derek Allsop & Debra J. Carr  
2019, The ballistics of seventeenth century musket balls, Journal of Conflict Archaeology, DOI 
10.1080/15740773.2019.1634914, https://doi.org/10.1080/15740773.2019.1634914 
Nelson, Brian 
November 15, 2002. Report on 2002 Summer Exploration Program at the Slate Falls Property 
of GOLD SUMMIT MINES LTD. Wesleyan Lake and Fry Lake Areas Patricia Mining Division, 
Ontario. N.T.S.52O73 and 52O74. 
Oliveira, Frederico 
2018, Threads, Traces, and the Affective Foundation of a Region: The Case Study of the Slate 
Falls First Nation (Canada). Ethnohistory 1 July 2018; 65 (3): 417–440. 
Pilon, Jean-Luc 
1990. Historic Native Archaeology Along the Lower Severn River, Ontario. Archaeological 
Survey of Canada, Canadian Museum of Civilization, Canadian Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 14. 
Peyton S. & Amber Stocker 
1989, An Archaeological Guide To Historic Artifacts Of The Upper Sangamon Basin, By The 
Centre For Social Research, Parkland College Http://Virtual.Parkland.Edu/Lstelle1/Len/
Archguide/Documents/Arcguide.Htm 
 225
Ray, Arthur J. 
1998. Indians in the Fur Trade: Their Role as Trappers, Hunters, and Middlemen in the Lands 
Southwest of Hudson Bay, 1660-1870. University of Toronto Press. 
Reid, ‘Paddy’ C.S.  
1980 Northern Ontario Fur Trade Archaology: Rescent Reserch. Ontario Ministry Of Culture And 
Recreation, Archaological Reserch Report 12. 
Reimer, Gwen, Jean-Philippe Chartrand 
2005. A Historical Profile Of The James Bay Area’s Mixed European-Indian Or Mixed European-
Inuit Community, Department Of Justice Canada. 
Rogers, Edward. S., D. B. Smith 
1994. Aboriginal Ontario: Historical Perspectives on the First Nations, Ontario historical studies 
series. Dundurn Press, University of Wisconsin. 
Rogers, Edward. S., Mary Black Rogers 
1978. Method For Reconstructing Patterns Of Change: Surname Adoption By The 
Weagamowojibwa, 1870-1950, Ethnohistory, Vol. 25, No.4, Pp. 319-345, Duke University Press, 
http://Www.Jstor.Org/Stable/481684, Accessed: 06-12-2017 19:12 Utc. 
Rogers, Edward. S., Mary Black Rogers 
1976. Subsistence Strategy in the Fish and Hare Period, Northern Ontario: The Weagamow 
Ojibwa, 1880-1920, Journal of Anthropological Research , Spring, 1976, Vol. 32, No. 1 pp. 1-43. 
The University of Chicago Press. Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/3629990 
Ronald Fritz, Roger Suffling 
1993. Influence of Fur Trade, Famine, and Forest Fires on Moose and Woodland Caribou 
Populations in Northwestern Ontario from 1786 to 1911, Environmental Management Vol. 17, 
No. 4, pp. 477-489, 1993 Springer-Verlag New York Inc. 
Rock, Jim 
1987, A BRIEF COMMENTARY ON CANS, Cultural Resource Management. 
Sandor, Shana, Chelsea Rose 
2017. Jim Rock Historic Can Collection, OHQ vol. 118, no. 1 pgs. 140-149, Oregon Historical 
Society, https://www.ohs.org/research-and-library/oregon-historical-quarterly/upload/Sandor-
and-Rose_Jim-Rock-Historic-Can-Collection_OHQ-Spring-2017.pdf 
  
Sapp, Brennon 
2020, forensics illustrated, Post-7, Ammunition Ballistics Analysis, Online resource; http://
www.bsapp.com/forensics_illustrated/forensic_text_adobe/
text_unit_7_ammunition_ballistics_analysis.pdf 
  
Sauer, Carl O. 
1948. Environment and Culture during the Last Deglaciation, Proceedings of the American 
Philosophical Society, Vol. 92, No. 1, pp. 65-77, American Philosophical Society 
Accessed: 24-02-2019, Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/3143629 
Sellet, F. (2001).  
A Changing Perspective on Paleoindian Chronology and Typology: A View from the 
Northwestern Plains. Arctic Anthropology, 38(2), 48-63. Retrieved November 19, 2020, from 
http://www.jstor.org/stable/40316722 
2  26
Scott, Douglas D., Joel Bohy, Nathan Boor, Charles Haecker, William Rose, and Patrick Severts 
With contributions by Daniel M. Sivilich and Daniel T. Elliott 
With partial support from Modern Heritage Foundation April 2017. Colonial Era Firearm Bullet 
Performance: A Live Fire Experimental Study for Archaeological Interpretation. Accessed March 
2019, https://www.academia.edu 
32411984Colonial_Era_Firearm_Bullet_Performance_A_Live_Fire_Experimental_Study_for_Ar
chaeological_Interpretation 
Sieciechowicz, Krystyna 
1986, Northern Ojibwa Land Tenure, Anthropologica, New Series, Vol. 28, No. 1/2, Who Owns 
the Beaver? Northern Algonquian Land Tenure Reconsidered, Canadian Anthropology Society 
Accessed: 18-04-2018 Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25605199 
South, Stanley  
1979 Historic Site Content, Structure, and Function. American Antiquity, Vol. 44, No. 2, pp. 
213-237, Cambridge University Press, Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/279073 
Storck, Peter L. 
1984 Research Into the Paleo-Indian Occupations of Ontario: A Review. Ontario 
Archaeology 41:3-28. 
Stelle, Lenville J.  
2001. An Archaeological Guide to Historic Artifacts of the Upper Sangamon Basin. Center For 
Social Research, Parkland College. http://virtual.parkland.edu/lstelle1/len/archguide/documents/
arcguide.htm 
Suffling, F. & Younger, T.A 
1993 T.A. Influence of fur trade, famine, and forest fires on moose and woodland caribou 
populations in northwestern Ontario from 1786 to 1911. Environmental Management 17, 477–
489 (1993). https://doi.org/10.1007/BF02394663 
Slate Falls Air  
2018. SFA, About SFA, Accessed Sept 2018, http://www.slatefallsair.com/about-sfa. 
Taylor, J. Garth 
1972. Northern Ojibwa Communities Of The Contact-Traditional Period Anthropologica, New 
Series, Vol. 14, No. 1, Pp. 19-30, Canadian Anthropology Society, Accessed:Nov 1st 2018, 
http://Www.Jstor.Org/Stable/25604861 
Tanner, Adrian 
1985. Bringing home animals: Religious ideology and mode of production of the Mistassini Cree 
hunters, C. Hurst, London. 
Teller, J.T., & D.W. Leverington 
2004. Glacial Lake Agassiz: A 5000 yr history of change and its relation ship to the d18O record 
of Greenland. Geological Society of America Bulletin 116, pp. 729-742. 
Visser Thomas. 
2000. Adapted from A Field Guide to New England Barns and Farm Buildings, published by the 
University Press of New England. http://www.uvm.edu/histpres/203/nails.html. 
Warren, William, 
2009. History of The Ojibway People, Pgs. 316, Minnesota Historical Society Press. Accessed 
on Oct 2 2018 https://archive.org/details/historyofojibway0000warr 
2  27
Waisberg, Leo, Tim Holzkamm,  
October 2001. Traditional Anishinaabe Governance Of Treaty #3 - Prepared For Frn Counci 
Treaty #3. Accessed Nov 23 2018, https://www.caid.ca/TradGov010408.pdf 
Wells Tom  
1998, Nail Chronology: The Use of Technologically Derived FeaturesAuthor(s): Source: 
Historical Archaeology, Vol. 32, No. 2 , pp. 78-99 Published by: Society for Historical 
Archaeology Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25616605. Accessed: 07/09/2011 
Weiland, Jonathan 
2009. A Comparison and Review of Window Glass Analysis Approaches in Historical 
Archaeology. Technical Briefs In historical archaeology, 4: 29–40 
Winterhalder, Bruce P. 
1980. Canadian Fur Bearer Cycles and Cree-Ojibwa Hunting and Trapping Practices, The 
American Naturalist, Vol. 115, No. 6 (Jun., 1980), pp. 870-879, The University of Chicago Press 
for The American Society of Naturalists, Accessed: 06-12-2017, http://www.jstor.org/stable/
2460805 
White, Bruce M. 
1999, The Woman Who Married a Beaver: Trade Patterns and Gender Roles in the Ojibwa 
FurTrade, Ethnohistory, Vol. 46, No. 1 (Winter, 1999), pp. 109-147, Duke University Press 
Accessed: 31-03-2018, Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/483430 
White, Bruce M. 
1994. Encounters with Spirits: Ojibwa and Dakota Theories about the French and Their 
Merchandise, Ethnohistory, Vol. 41, No. 3, Duke University Press 
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/481831 
Whiteley, Peter M. 
2017. Archaeology and Oral Tradition: The Scientific Importance of Dialogue, Cambridge 
University Press. 
Wright, James. V. 
1965. A Regional Examination Of Ojibwa Culture History, Anthropologica, New Series, Vol. 7, 
No. 2, Pp. 189-227 Published By: Canadian Anthropology Society. Accessed Sept 8 2019, http://
Www.Jstor.Org/Stable/25604657. 
Wright James. V. 
1968 a. The Application of the Direct Historical Approach to the Iroquois and the Ojibwa, 
Ethnohistory, Vol. 15, No. 1 pp. 96-111,Duke University Press. Accessed Feb 2018, 
http://www.jstor.org/stable/480819 
Wright, James. V.  
1968 b. Prehistory of Hudson Bay - The Boreal Forest. Science, History and Hudson Bay, Chap. 
I, Pt. Ill, Vol. 1, pp. 55-68. Ottawa. 
Yellen, John E. 
1977 Archaeological approaches to the present. Academic Press, New York 
 228
 Appendices  
Appendix A. 
 Expanded Post-contact Timeline from Literary Sources 
1600's - 1700's  
1610 - Henry Hudson explores Hudson Bay ( A.Drapack, C.Moffet, Golder Associates, 2013) 
1631 - Thomas James was building Charles Town at the bottom of James Bay (W.A Kenyon, 1986). 
1640 - First documentation of the Assinibonie appear in a Jesuit text (A. Ray 1998). 
1668 - The British create trade as Fort Rupert is opened in the Hudson Bay    
(A.Drapack, C.Moffet, Golder Associates, 2013) 
1675 - Fort Albany is established (A.Drapack, C.Moffet, Golder Associates, 2013) 
1760’s - Trade at Fort Albany, The chief trade is Cloth, Blankets, powder, Shot, Guns and Ironwork and 
some tobacco ~ Philip Turnor of the Hudsons Bay Company (A.Ray 1998). 
Late 1700’s - More posts were being established in the interior, with liquor readily available addiction 
became an issue. (M. Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg.162). 
1774-1821 the HBC established 250 trade posts in Rupert’s Land. (Rob Bundy 2010) 
1781-1783 outbreak of smallpox claims 2/3rds of the Ojibway in Northwestern Ontario  
(A.Drapack, C.Moffet, Golder Associates, 2013) 
1786 - Osnaburgh House is established (M. Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg.162). 
1788 - 1799 Osnaburgh House pulls in 1100 beaver a year (C. Bishop 1994, pg.303 in E. S. Rogers, D. B. 
Smith, 1994). 
1788 - Gardens are established at Osnaburgh House the Anishnabeeg harvested potatoes each year (M. 
Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg.96). 
1799 - Trade in wild rice is noted at Oz. House (Rob Bundy 2010) 
1800 -1900 
1880’s - The loss of fur bearing populations is seen with explanation being given by the   
encroachment of hunters and trappers form the outside causing overharvesting and a change in 
harvesting practise (Rob Bundy 2010) 
 229
1880's - Rainy Lake beaver reported to be scarce and over hunted (C. Bishop 1994, pg. 302 in E. S. 
Rogers, D. B. Smith, 1994). 
1880- Game began to increase bringing back stability in people life (M. Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg.
160). 
1800’s - Moose failed to return to sufficient numbers (C. Bishop 1994 pg. 319, in E. S. Rogers, D. B. 
Smith, 1994). 
1800’s - Growing potatoes started in the boundary waters (C. Bishop 1994 in E.S. Rogers, D. B. Smith, 
1994). 
1805 - Lack of conservation led to beaver scarcity (M. Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg.160). 
1810 - Lack of large game south of Osnaburgh house (M. Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg.160). 
1815 - The volcano Tambora in Indonesia erupted, (Brönnimann S, Krämer D. 2016) 
1816 - A volcanic eruption in Indonesia began to change weather patterns.    
1816-1818 - Times of hardship shown by draught, famine and crop failures, this caused the men at 
Osnaburgh House great hardship and caused them to rely upon the Anishinaabeg (Rob Bundy 2010). 
1816 - Among the regions particularly strongly affected by the 1815 eruption were Central Europe and 
North America. In both regions, the summer was much cooler than normal. (Brönnimann S, Krämer D. 
2016) 
1820’s - Weather patterns returned to normal (Rob Bundy 2010) 
1817- 2196 Pine Marten were traded at Fort Dauphin districts (A. Ray 1998). 
1819- 1430 Pine Marten were traded at Fort Dauphin districts (A. Ray 1998). 
1820 - 513 Pine Marten were traded at Fort Dauphin districts (A. Ray 1998). 
Last half 19th C - Moss covered conical lodges used - fall & winter use (C. Bishop 1994, pg. 310 in E. S. 
Rogers, D. B. Smith, 1994). 
1820’s - The fur trade stabilized causing the trade post band to emerge, the posts dictated where indians 
would trade, and would occasionally send strange indians off. Each band consisted of the bands in the 
general area, usually comprised of several hundred people (C. Bishop 1994, pg. 323 in E. S. Rogers, D. 
B. Smith 1994). 
  
1820's - Traders begin to deal with individuals rather than captains (C. Bishop 1994, pg. 325 in E. S. 
Rogers, D. B. Smith, 1994). 
1820’s - Church of England is invited to provide clergy for Rupert's Land by the HBC (C.Bishop 1994, pg. 
303 in E. S. Rogers, D. B. Smith, 1994). 
1821 - Last year before union of XY and HBC, 163 pelts traded (C. Bishop 1994, pg. 303 in E. S. Rogers, 
D. B. Smith, 1994). 
 230
1821 - Merger of Hudson Bay Company and the Northwest company - meant trade  m o n o p o l y 
making the price of goods rise (M. Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg. 160). 
1820’s - Great difficulty in securing food by the Crane - turning to a subsistence off rabbits new 
dependance on small game led to separation of families for much of the year there was not sufficient food 
to maintain groups of 20 persons or more (C. Bishop 1994, pg. 303 in E. S. Rogers, D. B. Smith, 
1994).The region north of Osnaburg House and south of Bigtrout Lake the land of the Crane was the last 
to have caribou in significant numbers (C. Bishop 1994, pg. 303 in E. S. Rogers, D. B. Smith, 1994). 
1821 - HBC companies & XY joined to form a monopoly. HBC held this monopoly in thearea until late 
19th C when free traders entered the country. After amalgamation HBC closed many posts and outposts, 
reduction of staff, new policies, ban on alcohol trade, and implementation of new conservation efforts (C. 
Bishop 1994, pg. 307 in E. S. Rogers, D. B. Smith, 1994). 
1824 - No trapping beaver in summer (C. Bishop 1994, pg.307 in E. S. Rogers, D. B. Smith, 1994). 
1830- Moose had been exterminated, caribou were rare, and beaver scarcity had become widespread 
(M. Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg. 160). 
1830's - Most males would have had hare skin cloths (C. Bishop 1994, pg. 311 in E. S.Rogers, D. B. 
Smith, 1994). 
1839 - HBC governor George Simpson issued a proclamation prohibiting the sale and   
distribution of liquor to indians in the Albany district (M. Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg. 91). 
Mid 1800’s - People still in small family groups gathering once a year. 
Mid to the late 1800’s - Osnaburgh built York Boats for the area (Rob Bundy 2010) 
1850 - Robsin Superior Treaty is signed. 
1850’s-1900 - Conical and dome shaped lodges along with communal ridge pole lodge with several 
fireplaces down centre (C. Bishop 1994, pg. 309 in E. S. Rogers, D. B. Smith, 1994). 
1851 - George Mcpherson manager of Oz. House, “The Indians are starving everywhere as far as I have 
heard of them. No rabbits, less than last year, fur bearing animals are as scarce as the rabbits. It is not 
only food that suffers. It is want of warm clothing also… I fear many of them will perish” (M. Heinrichs & 
D.Hiebert, 2003 pg.160). 
1863 - Thomas Vincent an anglican missionary at fort Albany visits Osnaburgh on the way to Lac Seul. 
Burial customs began to change with more burials being christianized (C. Bishop 1994, pg. 228-330 in E. 
S. Rogers, D. B. Smith, 1994). 
1870’s - Potatoes grown in Northern Ontario (C. Bishop 1994 in E.S. Rogers, D. B. Smith, 1994). 
1871- The first recording of dog sleds to pull sleds in the area (Rob Bundy 2010). 
1873 - Treaty no. 3 is signed. 
1875 - Treaty no. 5 is signed, 5$ annuity payment is put in place. 
2  31
1885 - CPR completed this saw a boom in logging commercial fishing and mining also allowing for whisky 
traders and independent traders to move in on the HBC monopoly J. Garth Taylor, 1994 in E. S. Rogers, 
D. B. Smith, 1994). 
1890’s - The first batch of locally grown potatoes is purchased by Osnaburgh house in 1882 (M. Heinrichs 
& D.Hiebert, 2003 pg.99). 
1890’s and after- Anglicans, Methodists and Roman Catholics had ease of access into   
Northern Ontario which led to and increase in european education and health work (J. Garth Taylor, 1994 
pg. 248-350 in E. S. Rogers, D. B. Smith, 1994). 
Traditional shelters gave way to conical moss covered lodges (J. Garth Taylor pg. 353 in E. S. Rogers, D. 
B. Smith, 1994). 
1900- 1950 
Early 19th C. - Families moved to fall campsites before winter freeze to harvest rice,   
blueberries, white fish, and waterfowl making a whitefish pemmican. Garden produce and potatoes are 
stowed in root cellars (C. Bishop 1994, in E. S.Rogers, D. B. Smith, 1994 pg.319) usually groups of 2-3 
families around 12 people. 
Mid 19th C. - Indians at major posts such as Fort Albany and Moose Factory wore European clothing (C. 
Bishop 1994, pg. 313-314 in E. S. Rogers, D. B. Smith,1994). 
Mid 19th C. - As increase in goods being shipped meant there was a need for more men to transport 
goods, families began to sty at the posts (C. Bishop 1994, pg.313-314 in E. S. Rogers, D. B. Smith, 
1994). 
19th C. end - Snow shoes round toe traditional but pointed to came into use, wooden ski snow shoes in - 
hare skin material common (C. Bishop 1994, pg. 311 in E.S. Rogers, D. B. Smith, 1994). 
1900 - More common to see log cabins in prominent Figures - open fireplaces of mud, to be taken over 
with wood stoves - winter transport beame faster with the adoption of sledding (J. Garth Taylor, 1994 pg. 
354 in E. S. Rogers, D. B. Smith, 1994) 
1900 - Winter homes were log houses with flat roofs, gabled roofs didn't come till later,most had two or 
three rooms, walls were chinked with moss and mud roof was made with poles laid over rafters and 
covered in moss and dirt (M. Heinrichs & D.  Hiebert, 2003 pg. 65). 
Early 1900 - Tents and lodges were used all year round, these were mostly used in summer (M. Heinrichs 
& D. Hiebert, 2003 pg. 65). 
Four kinds of shelters by Eva Skunk - (M. Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg.65) 
 Pokwoyogan - like a teepee 
 She o go gwan- like a wigwam made with tree branches more round  
 Mit o go gwan- made with poles like a house but theres was no stove, just an open fire place 
 Wiganagan- a round wigwam where you bend the trees  
2  32
1901-1910 - GA. Maclaren trading co is operated in Osnaburgh House before being bought out by the 
HBC (J. garth taylor 1994, pg. 349 in E. S. Rogers, D. B.Smith, 1994). 
1905- Treaty no. 9 is implemented and signed by the Band of Osnaburgh. 
After the treaties many trade post bands became treaty bands electing chiefs and councillors (J. garth 
taylor 1994, pg. 368 in E. S. Rogers, D. B. Smith, 1994). 
1909 - Survey of the reserves began and were completed in 1930 (M. Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg. 
124). 
1910 - Révillon Fréres trading company became the HBC’s main competitor to be bought out in 1936 by 
the HBC (J garth taylor 1994, pg. 347 in E. S. Rogers, D.B.Smith, 1994). 
1912 - When the CN line was completed goods came from Hudson through Lac Seul and root portage 
(M. Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg. 104). 
 1920 - Boom prices brought an influx on non native trappers to northern ontario - who were much harder 
on fur resources than their Native counterparts (J. garth taylor 1994, pg. 361 in E. S. Rogers, D. B. Smith, 
1994). 
1920’s - Osnaburgh house commonly employed 30 indians during the summer months (Rob Bundy 
2010). 
1921 - 366 Pine Marten were traded at Fort Dauphin districts (A. Ray 1998). 
1920’s - Canvas canoes replace birch bark crafts (J. garth taylor 1994, pg. 361 in E. S. Rogers, D. B. 
Smith, 1994). 
1920’s - There is a gasoline tug service running out of Hudson (M. Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg.104). 
1924 - Seaplane used in to carry indian agents (M. Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg.101). 
1925 -1960 - Fish were brought and sold at the mines to local buyers families would eat suckers and the 
fish they did not sell (M. Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg.84). 
1929 - Gold is discovered north of Osnaburgh (M. Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg.127). 
1929 - John Carpenter was elected as chief (M. Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg.113). 
1930’s - Log cabins frequent - summer lodging canvas tents - outboard motors became commonplace in 
canoes (J. Garth Taylor pg. 361 in E. S. Rogers, D. B. Smith, 1994). 
Christianity is widespread in all but the most remote of settlements (J. Garth Taylor pg.368 in E. S. 
Rogers, D. B. Smith, 1994). 
Semi sedentary life became more prominent with people remaining in their  abodes while males 
would go out to their traplines during winter months, visiting the trade posts in cloth tents (J. garth taylor 
1994 pg.365 in E. S. Rogers, D. B. Smith, 1994). 
1930’s - Osnaburgh House is regularly supplied by Austin Airways (Rob Bundy 2010). 
 233
1934 - Pickle Crow and Central Patricia Gold Mine request hydro power - thus the Rat Rapids 
development was created (M. Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg. 130). 
1935 - Rat rapid dam was constructed, taking away seasonal homes, gardens and grave sites. Within 10 
years the mine had outpaced the energy produced by the  damn. The residents of did not have 
power until 1970 (M. Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg.130). 
1935 - A dock was constructed at Osnaburgh House (Rob Bundy 2010). 
1936 - Osnaburgh house was closed (Rob Bundy 2010). 
After the 1930’s there was a decline in fur prices causing a shift in labour force to mining, logging and 
commercial fishing (J. Garth Taylor pg. 359 in E.S. Rogers, D. B. Smith, 1994). 
1940’s - Instituted trapline management, to keep non Native people out of reserve boundaries and to 
focus activity on the resources in allotted areas (J. Garth Taylor 1994 pg. 395 in E. S. Rogers, D. B. 
Smith, 1994). 
1941- Float plane delivering mail (M. Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg.101). 
1940’s - Planes began carrying people and freight into the north - the Nooduyn    
Norseman was the workhorse of Ontario's provincial air service bush flying fleet ((M. Heinrichs & D. 
Hiebert, 2003 pg.104). 
1940’s - Imported food became readily available (J. Garth taylor, 1994, pg. 358 in E. S.Rogers, D. B. 
Smith, 1994). 
Late 1940 - A parcel of land in New Osnaburgh was sold to the province of ontario to build a nursing 
station (Rob Bundy 2010). 
1944 - A road way to rat rapids was established (Rob Bundy 2010). 
1945 - Hydro electric power became available to reserves in the north, alongside generators to run 
electricity to schools and nursing stations (J. Garth Taylor 1994 pg. 378 in E. S. Rogers, D. B. Smith, 
1994). 
1945 - 1980’s - The establishment of day school affected abilities of trappers to continue their livelihood 
and to pass the tradition onto their young, this saw a increase in unemployment. (J. Garth Taylor 1994, 
pg. 379-381 in E. S. Rogers, D. B. Smith, 1994). 
1950 - Present 
  
1950 - David wright a non aboriginal fisherman received a licence to fish the waters of   
Osnaburgh Lake (M. Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg.120). 
1950’s - Commercial fisheries established, providing source of income (J. Garth Taylor 1994 in E. S. 
Rogers, D. B. Smith, 1994). 
 234
1950’s - Trapping is still the main employment in Mishkeegogamang (M. Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg.
92). 
   
John Macfie writes that even in the 1950’s settlements were virtually empty from October until April (M. 
Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg.170). 
1950’s - As more planes were used in the area, there were less people needed to haul furs, and once 
roads were constructed further job opportunities declined due to  competition with white settlers (M. 
Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg. 101). 
1950 - 1961 - Anglican missionaries ran a summer school in the church of Osnaburgh (Rob Bundy 2010). 
1951 - Saw a recreation of the indian act allowing for religious rights and freedoms, ended compulsory 
enfranchisement and for indians to drink in public establishments (J. Garth Taylor 1994 in E. S. Rogers, 
D. B. Smith, 1994). 
1951 - The comprehensive indian act of 1951 limited the powers of the minister of indian affairs and gave 
the band control in local matters (M. Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg. 211). 
Up until 1950 - The people of Osnaburg House maintained a relatively mobile lifestyle only coming back 
to the post to trade in the summer months (M. Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg.163). 
1954 - A road is built to savant lake - this caused the price of groceries to increase and also facilitated the 
movement of population causing an increase in settlers (M.Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg.167). 
1957 - The damn at Lake Saint Joseph is created, causing fluctuating water-levels, increasing erosion 
and causing hardship on commercial fisheries by drying up spawning areas (M. Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 
2003 pg.133). 
 1960's - During the 60’s some reserves were allowed degrees of self governance to administer   
fees and affairs , by 1966 1/3rd of bands were allowed to administer welfare services (J. Garth Taylor 
1994, pg. 384 in E. S. Rogers, D. B. Smith, 1994). 
1960’s - The right for Natives to vote on federal elections (J. Garth Taylor 1994, pg. 401 in E. S. Rogers, 
D. B. Smith, 1994). 
1960’s - World wide decline for fur demand, due to warm synthetic fibres and animal rights activists (M. 
Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg.92). 
1960’s - Snowmobiles replaced dogsleds (M. Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg.104). 
1962 - Dedicated school building was constructed in New Osnaburgh (Rob Bundy 2010) 
1961 - 67 - Government assistance at Os. house multiplied by 5 (M. Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg.
168). 
1965 - Appointment of Band Managers (J. Garth Taylor 1994, pg. 384 in E. S. Rogers, D. B. Smith, 1994). 
1968 - The National Indian Brother Hood was created to present interests to the federal government (M. 
Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg.211). 
2  35
1950’s -1980’s - Enterprises continuously sprang up, sometimes government funded to help lower and 
limit the need for unemployment income - Ie. cranberry fields, furniture making and a shoe factory (J. 
Garth Taylor 1994 pg. 385 in E. S. Rogers, D. B. Smith, 1994). 
60’s - Boarding schools where Native children would be boarded near a provincially run school (J. Garth 
Taylor, 1994 pg.393 in E. S. Rogers, D. B. Smith, 1994). 
1960’s - Gov’t subsidies, paid housing and increased medical care became attractors for people to take 
up village living, schools forced a sedentary lifestyle on traditionally mobile people. Hunters became 
commuters with the increase of snowmobiles (M. Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg.168). 
1960 - 70’s - Most Natives rely on seasonal employment and government income to live (J. Garth Taylor 
1994 in E. S. Rogers, D. B. Smith, 1994). 
1970’s - The construction of air strips in many reserves (J. Garth Taylor 1994, pg. 379 in E. S. Rogers, D. 
B. Smith, 1994). 
1970’s - Saw an increase in recreational activities is seen such as soft ball, hockey and snow snake (J. 
Garth Taylor 1994, pg. 385 in E. S. Rogers, D. B. Smith, 1994). 
Trade posts such as Osnaburg would become community centres, with the govt. directing family 
allowances, old age pensions and relief payments - the managers first aid chest was the only non 
traditional medical help available (M. Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg.163). 
1970’s - 80’s - Seen as a time of political upheaval and unrest with high cases of alcohol and drug abuse 
(M. Heinrichs & D. Hiebert, 2003 pg.173) 
1985 - Slate Falls is recognized as a band 
2011 - “Substantial quantities of country food, meat and fish are harvested for consumption in the 
communities and for family and community members in Sioux Lookout and beyond. The nature and 
geographic extent of harvesting has changed, but it remains a profoundly significant and defining activity 
for Cat Lake and Slate Falls communities. There is also a considerable amount of infrastructure in the 
field that harvesters rely upon for these harvesting activities (e.g., campsites, trails, portages). This 
infrastructure needs protection so it can continue to be used, especially where it can be accessed by 
waterways”. (Cat Lake First Nation, et.al, July 2011, pg. 11) 
 236
Appendix B 
Additional archival materials relevant to the site interpretations and understanding early 
20th century life. 
Plate B.1, An Anishinaabeg 
man tans a hide with 
woodsmoke. 
Lac Seul First Nation, page 
26. Taken by F.W. Waugh, 
1919. 
Library and Archives 
Canada, Archives, Item 
number 5318569, http://
central.bac-
lac.gc.ca/.redirect?
 237
  
Plate B.2 , An Anishinaabeg woman uses a bone beamer to strip hair from a 
hide.  
Lac Seul First Nation. Taken by Waugh, F. W. (Frederick Wilkerson), 1919. 
Library and Archives Canada, Archives, Item number 5318569, http://
central.bac-lac.gc.ca/.redirect?app=fonandcol&id=5318569&lang=eng 
Plate B.3,Whipsawing lumber David Wrights' Trade Post, Lake St.-Joseph, 
Taken by R.D. Davidson, 1929, Library and Archives Canada, Archives, item 
number 3372245, http://central.bac-lac.gc.ca/.redirect?
app=fonandcol&id=3372245&lang=eng 
 238
B.4, Anishinabe couple mending a fishing net, Taken by Kenora photographer C.G. 
Linde, Circa 1922. Images courtesy of The MUSE, Kenora. 
Plate B.5, Anishinaabeg woman with children stripping spruce roots for cordage.
Lac Seul First Nation, Taken by F.W. Waugh, 1919. Library and Archives Canada, Archives, 
Item number 5318564.
 239
Plate B.6, Anishinaabeg women using spruce-root cordage in making birch bark canoe.
Lac Seul First Nation. Taken by F.W. Waugh, 1919. Library and Archives Canada, Archives, 
Item number 5318564.
Plate B.7, Woman in front of birch bark wigwam near Fort Albany. Unknown photographer Ca. 
1905. Library and Archives Canada, Archives, Item number 3367456.
 240
Plate B.8, Anishinaabeg woman fleshes hide with axe head. Lac Seul First Nation. Taken by 
F.W. Waugh, 1919. Library and Archives Canada, Archives, Item number 5318567.
Plate B.9, Float plane docked at Osnaburgh House Ontario.
Taken by R.D. Davidson, 1929. Library and Archives Canada, Archives, Item number 
3318265, http://central.bac-lac.gc.ca/.redirect?app=fonandcol&id=3318265&lang=eng
2  41
Plate B.10, Anishinaabeg man and woman applying pine or spruce pitch while 
building canoe, pantry or cold storage visible in background. Lac Seul First Nation, 
Taken by F.W. Waugh, 1919. Library and Archives Canada, Archives, Item number 
5318567, http://central.bac-lac.gc.ca/.redirect?app=fonandcol&id=5318565&lang=eng
 242
Appendix C  
Additional Materials; Sites EgJv-5 to EgJv-10. 
EgJv-5 
Table C.1, Recovered containers EgJv- 5
Photo # Item Relative date Re-use
IMG_1189.JPG The hole-in-cap can ca. 1820 - 1930's none
N/A Vintage Kraft dinner jar 1940’s none
N/A magic baking powder tin 1897-1960 none
IMG_1138.JPG B.C. Sugar co. in snap top paint 1906-2008 none
can 
IMG_1141.JPG paint can 1906 + none
IMG_1143.JPG  friction fit lid pail/ locking seam 1850's+ none
IMG_1147.JPG gargoyle oil can, 1869-1931 none
IMG_1213.JPG oil can handle - gargoyle 1869-1931 (assumed re-use)
IMG_1158.JPG Lard pail, double side seams. 1859+ made into stove 
fitting
IMG_1204.JPG hole in can none
IMG_1177.JPG electrolytic tinplated steel 1937 + none
IMG_1231.JPG snap top can/ friction fit 1890+ none
IMG_1159.JPG  cut oil can 1890+ for chimney stack 
IMG_1206.JPG  tea kettle top enamled tin 1889+ none
IMG_1193.JPG  mason jar 1885+ none
IMG_1176.JPG skinny can paint lid top 1890+ none
IMG_1165.JPGIM “evaporated milk”, drop solder 1900-1980's) none
G_1167.JPG can
IMG_1163.JPG Beaten bucket - 1890+ woodstove fitting
IMG_1161.JPG Double side seams bucket 1890+ none
MG_1159.JPG oil or kerosene can 1890+ for chimney stack
IMG_1156.JPG Double side seams 1904 + base appears to 
be worked or 
hammered,
IMG_1151.JPG cut and shaped oil can from 1869-1931 none
gargoyle
 243
Plate C.1, Excavation Floor plan of EgJv-5 Unit510N 498E. 
labeled artifacts are as follows, 1. Section of Rubber 2.Cervical Vertebrae 
3. Ascetabulum 4. Otterskull 5.Ungulate Rib 6.Ungulate Fibia 7.Rib 
8.Moose Illium 9.Rib section 10.Leg to wood-stove 11.Leg to wood-stove 
12.Ungulate teeth 13.Mandible 14. Moose Proximal Tibia 15. Moose TIbia 
16. Moose Distal Tibia 17. Bird Sternum 18. Fish Skull 19. Cervical 
Vertebrae 20. 1/2 skull 21. Tar Paper 22. Ungulate metatarsal 23. Cut 
moose humerus 24. Anvil/Grinding stone.
2  44
Plate C.2, Excavation of EgJv-5 Unit 510N 498E. Top; 5cm below surface, 
Bottom; 10Cm below surface. No photo included for 15cm; sediment 
consisted of uniform light tan sand.
 245
Plate C.3, Excavation soil profile of Excavation Unit 510N 498E., Sams Cabin.
Plate C.4, Soil profile taken at Sams Cabin test-pit 503N 
497E.
2  46
Plate C.5, Wall profile of excavation 505N 494 E., Top is photographed, bottom is hand 
sketched, both define the berm which delineates the boundaries of the cabin feature.
 247
Plate C.6, Modified containers recovered from 
Sams Cabin. (1.) Cut metal bucket, (2. & 3.) 
 Modified oil containers utilized for woodstove. 
Plate C.7, Collapsable sheet metal stove 
found in Sams Cabin.
 248
Plate C.8, (1.) Removal of root-matt and humic soil in LUBC-SS496N495E, and an 
assortment of the corresponding artifacts recovered from the midden; (2.) Door plate with 
skeleton key hole, (3.) Johnson brothers porcelain plate, (4.) Kraft Dinner lid, (5.) Enamelware 
kettle lid, (6.) Modified can, (7.) Hammer-stone with associated pecking.
 249
Plate C.9, Assortment of recovered lithic artifacts from the excavations in Sams Cabin during 
the 2017 field season.
Plate C.10, Hand made items found in Sams Cabin; Left, Bucket fashioned from oil 
container, Right, wire whisk made from what is thought to be snare wire.
2  50
 EgJv-6 
Additional materials relevant to the site location of Bonecrush and EgJv-6. 
Plate C.11, View of Site EgJv-6 facing east during the wintertime.
Plate C.12, Soil profile taken at EgJv-6, Test pit HKM7.
 251
Plate C.13, Highlights of modified bone seen in EgJv-6; (1.) Cut mark indicative of steel, (2.) 
Cut mark indicative of stone, (3.) Pressure flaking seen on edge of bone.
 
Plate C.14, Assortment of charred bone seen from the test pits of EgJv-6.
 252
Plate C.15, LUBC-TPCS01-08. Separate images displaying features from a section of 
possible ground stone stone tool. Top images display uniquely square edge while bottom 
show signs of seriation on working surface.
 253
1 2 3
Plate C.16, Metallic artifacts from EgJv-6; (1.) Pressure plate from trap, (2.) 
Sections of pocket-watch, (3.) Modified sections of containers.
2  54
EgJv-7 
Additional materials relevant to the site location of Mackenzies Beach, EgJv-7  
1
2 3
Plate C.17, Artifacts from EgJv-7; (1.) Ball formed from unknown material, possibly graphite, 
(2.) Plastic face of Mood-ring, (3.) Tassel beaded from plastic seed beads.
2  55
EgJv-8 
Additional materials relevant to Emily's Site 
1 2 3
4
Plate C.18, Artifacts from EgJv-8; (1.) Possible ground stone tool (perforator), (2.) Possible 
ground stone tool (Atlatl knock), (3.) Flaking seen on Stone-ware mug, (4.) Possible ground 
stone tool (nutcracker),
2  56
Plate C.19, Alternative views of bottle scraper, Egjv-7
Plate C.20, Alternative view of cutting tool, 
EgJv-7.
 257
Plate C.22, Sample of bone fragments 
recovered form test pits in EgJv-9.
Plate C.21, Depiction of the soil profile in Trench 
CSZK01.
 258
EgJv-9 
Additional materials relevant to the site location of Pepsi & Flipflop.  
1
2 3
Plate C.23, Artifacts from EgJv-9; (1.) Possible ground stone tool (pestle), 
(2.) Possible Bone tool (perforator), (3.) Stone tool (end-scraper/graver).
 259
Appendix D 
Additional Materials Relevant to Slate Falls  
1
2 3
Plate D.1, Artifacts from Slate Falls; (1.) Beaver or wolf trap, (2.) Seed bead decorations on 
moccasins depicting eagle or thunderbird (3.) Steel barrel woodstove.
Plate D.2, Large wire spike driven through moose scapula, function is unknown 
but may have been digging implement or axe for breaking branches.
 260
B A B A
Plate D.3, Recovered axes before (B.) and after (A.) electrolysis procedure.
Plate D.4, Additional axes found in the Slate Falls area; Left, Welland and Vale 
axe, Right, Axe with Phantom Bevels.
2  61
Appendix E.  
Additional Information in the documentation of Old Slate Falls  
Plate E.1, Cabin Map Part 1.
2  62
Plate E.2, Cabin Map Part 2.
Plate E.3, Cabin Map Part 3.
 263
Key to Cabin Map, Plate E.1, Plate E.2, Plate E.3 
Colour Coded Circles: 
1: John Loon’s cabin 
2: “The Old Timers would camp in tipis on the islands” 
3: Sams Cabin Site 
4: The Old Ladies - Ana Boyoey and Elisa Quayquay cabin 
5: Eliza Qaukwak’s cabin 
6: Thomas Illet Cabin (rebuilt late 1930’s by Ivor Loon, lived in until 1970’s-1980’s) 
7: Cabin 2 
8: Cabin 3, Philip Loon’s cabin 
9: Cabin 8, Laura, Annbela & Betsy’ cabin- (Tumble Down Cabins with Pantry)  
10: Cabin 7, John Loon’s new cabin 
11: Laura and Annabla move when their mother dies 
12: Cabin 6 - (Burnt Cabin) 
13: Sam Cook’s cabin 
14: Cabin 4, Charlie Wesley's cabin  
15: Cabin 5, - Ana Boyoey and Elisa Quayquay cabin 
16: Mission House  
17: School Teacher’s Residence 
18: New School  
19: Joe Carpenter’s new cabin 
20: Sam’s Last House - (used for voting and elections)  
21: Mackenzie Store and Tourist Cabins 
22: Evan Kitchense’s cabin 
23: Cabin 9, Connie and Charlie and then John Rooster  
24: Ice House  
25: Ice House Cabin maps, Plate E.1, E.2, E.3,
26: Flat Backed Canoe by dump  Key to starred numbers
27: Sitting Rock or Flipped Boulder  
28: Old Cemetery  1. Small site noted but unrecorded2. Small site noted but unrecorded
29: New Cemetery 3. Pepsi & Flipflop, EgJv-9
30: Moved Rubbish( from island ) 4. Bonecrush, EgJv-6
31: The Slate Falls  5. Adz, EgJv-8
32: Area for Fishing  6. Mackenzies Beach, EgJv-7
33: Portage  
Colour coding based on type and location, yellow; unique features, aqua; Area I, blue; Area II, 
green; Area III, purple; Area IV. 
Key and cabin ID based upon authors current understanding of Village occupation, further 
consultations should be sought with Frederico Oliveira's publications on Slate Falls for most 
recent information. 
 264
Plate E.4, Mission House Area. Left hand side, cluster of four structures: Mission House, Old 
School House, Carpenters Cabin, Ice House. Right hand side: three buildings, the New 
School House, and the teachers residences.
Mission House Area 
 Located farther southeast From Cabin 3 the Mission House sits in an elevated 
clearing overlooking Lake Bamaji, the Mission House can be seen from the new Slate 
Falls due to its large size and white exterior. Clustered around this structure are various 
buildings: a church house to the east (named the Old School House), multiple 
outhouses out behind, a generator shack in the rear of the building and a foundation of 
a large building in the surrounding clearing. 
 265
Plate E.5, Red highlighted circle indicated the Mission House.
  
 This area was first cleared and settled by the Carpenter family in 1940, although 
the location of the original Carpenter cabin is not currently confirmed. An old foundation 
is present in the yard behind the Mission House any may represent this earlier 
occupation. In 1956, Mennonites missionaries from Ohio and Pennsylvania moved into 
the area and established a mission (the Old 
School House) which acted as a Sunday 
school and in 1976 briefly operated as a 
day school. In the 1980's a the two story 
Mission house was constructed, becoming 
the largest structure in Slate Falls. This 
building is still standing and is the most 
prominent building in the locality. The 
Mission House has double paned windows 
and is the only structure in Old Slate Falls 
with a second story. Plastic siding layers 
the abode; apparently installed in 1990 by 
a nonprofit organization to assist winter Plate E.6, The Mission House area drone 
heat retention. view.
2  66
 The 1980’s over-flight (Plate E.5) shows the structure located behind the mission 
house, as well as two other buildings surrounding the Mission. The Ice House lies on 
the shore to the south, and the Old School House rests to the east. It sits immediately 
south west of the mission house, near a large copse of trees. Refer to The Ice house 
also detailed in Ch. 6.6.g, pg.175.  
 A generator shack is located to the west of the house and was used to supply 
power to the Mission House as well as nearby residents (Area III). The foundation of a 
structure lies behind the Mission House, evidence of a building being moved at one 
point, It is possible that this is the house the Carpenters lived in when it was moved. 
According to knowledge that Frederico gathered this is the immediate vicinity for where 
John Carpenter (Sam’s dad) moved to when they established their new cabin (Oliveira 
2018).  
 The moved structure adds to the narrative of reuse and refurbishment in Slate 
Falls, where cabins and lumber would be repurposed as needed and set up in new 
locations. Materials from the 1980's-1990's are scattered throughout the inland forested 
Plate E.7, Red highlighted circle indicated the Old Church (Old Schoolhouse).
2  67
area. No artifacts were recovered from the mission house due to its well documented 
nature and relatively new establishment. A large rototiller sits behind the mission house, 
indicative of intensive gardening. In front of the house a brick ornamental garden was 
constructed. 
The Old School House 
 After the arrival of the Mennonite missionaries in the 1950's the original Mission 
House (titled the Old School House) was constructed. Elsie indicated it occasionally 
acted as a small day school. Jerry Paquette the first teacher in Slate Falls started 
teaching 8 grades out of the Old School House 1976 (Frederico Oliveira per. com. 2021 
citing Jerry Paquette). Under the auspices of the Isolated School Board program of 
Ontario Ministry of Education the New School House was built in 1977 (refer to Ch.6.4 
Pg.159). 
   
Plate E.8, Red highlighted circle indicates the Ice House.
 268
 The structure had an addition added onto the back after its initial construction. 
The add-on was achieved by chainsawing out one of the walls and building a smaller, 3 
walled room. The school was used until the 1980’s, when it was replaced by a larger 
school to the east in Area V. The Mennonites taught using the provincial curriculum, 
which was seen by many local residents to be superior to the federal curriculum and is 
thought to have bolstered the success of the community.  
 
Plate E.9, Winter night at the Mission House and Old School House.
 269
 
Plate E.10, Old schoolhouse facing south. 
 
Plate E.11, Old schoolhouse facing north. 
2  70
Cabin 2  
Supplemental information to Chapter 6.1.b seen on page 140. Artifacts found during 
mapping and reconnoissance of Cabin 2. 
Plate E.12, Artifacts found in association with cabin 2: Locket with youth in checker shirt, 
plastic hair clip, 1979 Canadian quarter, bread-clip, brass rivet and plastic seed beads.
 271
Cabin 3  
Supplemental information to Chapter 6.6.a, Pg.164. 
Mapping produced for the documentation of Cabin 3 utilizing different methodology 
Plate E.13, Cabin 3, 3D model using Video footage with wide-angle lens.
Plate E.14, Cabin 3, 3D model without texture applied, using DSLR photographs
 272
Plate E.15, Cabin 3, 3D model based on cloud points, utilizing DSLR photographs.
Plate E.16, Cabin 3, 3D Full version texture applied, utilizing DSLR photographs.
2  73
Plate E.17, Cabin 3, Sketch documenting cabin structure by hand
Plate E.18, Cabin 3, Photographed by Drone
 274
Cabin 5 Cabin 2 Mission House - old cree ladies  
 Cabin 5 was Identified in 2018 during a 
pedestrian survey following the old boardwalk 
north from the Mission house. Cabin 5 consists of 
multiple attachments, the original section of Cabin 
5 aligns much closer to that of Cabin’s 2, 3, and 
Sam’s, with small we full log walls stuffed with 
moss chinking, dovetails hand cut by axe, tar 
paper roofing, and smaller size in general. Newer 
additions built on to Cabin 5 have fibreglass 
i nsu la t i on , p re fabbed w indow f r ames , 
polyethylene vapour barrier, milled lumber walls 
and plywood roofing covering a gabled roof 
Plate E.19, Red highlighted circle 
shielded with in multiple kinds of gravelled indicates Cabin 5 location.
tarpaper shingles.  
 On the exterior of the cabin a PC voters 
card was found with a date of 1984, giving a 
later occupation of the cabin, this could be 
used to identify who lived in the structure, but 
was never investigated. A snow mobile from the 
80’s can be found to the immediate NE of the 
cabin along side a scattering of aluminum 
cooking vessels and plates. 
Plate E.20, A book of Psalms and 
Hymns written in Cree Sylabics.
 275
Plate E.21, View of Cabin 5 facing south.
Plate E.22, View of Cabin 5 facing East
 276
Cabin 6 Burnt cabin 3  
Cabin 6 was found on foot, and is 
only identifiable by a very low somewhat 
square rise. A path now leads through the 
small ridges indicated by the banking of 
dirt along corners and walls. Trees no 
older than 15 years grow through the 
middle of the cabin, black spruce, willow 
and poplar seedlings sprout through the 
carbonized layer formed by the burnt 
down cabin. Surrounded by black spruce 
and rolling sphagnum moss cabin 6 
somewhat lower than many of the other 
cabins found and would have been 
connected to other cabins via the wooden 
boardwalk, found closely nearby 
Plate E.23, Red highlighted circle indicates 
location of Cabin 6
Cabin 6 is a loosely defined 
structure that was burnt down. The burning 
of the cabin is tied to a suspected arson mentioned by Delford. He detailed that three 
cabins were burned down in the 1990’s. This story fits the same time frame of Cabin 6 
Fully burnt down, small ridges indicate exterior walls. Informal probing into the 
banks indicate plastic and clothing was used as a protective layer for wood, before soil 
was banked against the cabin structure. Small depressions of unknown use are located 
in its centre and northeast corner. Melted glass and blackened metallic items lay 
scattered around the once existing structure. 
  
 277
Two dated artifacts were found in the remains of the cabin, a 1981 nickel and a 
penny from 1976 give firm dates. Two kids toys were found, a plastic toy soldier, and a 
glass marble were mixed in among the sand berms. Additional materials found were 
multiple charred and blackened knives, large screw pilings loosely scattered, and large 
amounts of melted glass and melted fibreglass.  
 An Electrical box and electrical wiring was found scattered among the location, 
through discussions with locals electricity would have come from the mission house 
generator, but in the 1990’s a utility line was brought in from Rat Rapids. Copper piping 
indicated running water and most likely a hot water tank was installed in the cabin, 
typically water would be drawn from Lake Bamaji. 
Plate E.24, view of Cabin 6 facing northeast, exposed area documents the 
berm of the cabin.
 278
Plate E.25, Sketch map of Cabin 6.
 279
Cabin 7  
Supplemental information to Cabin 7 in Chapter 6.  
Multiple Keys to the cabin 7 sketch map (Figure 6.23) are seen in plates E.24-E.26. 
Plate E.26, Cabin 7 map, Key 
1 of 3
2  80
Plate E.27, Key 2 of 3, Cabin 7 
map.
Plate E.28, Key 3 of 3, Cabin 7 map.
 281
Table E.1 Types of Cans Found in Cabin 7 Midden
Can type Openings Frequency Length Diameter Features
Steel can knife 2 18 10 4 ribs
Ferric can opener 4 18 11 6 ribs
Carnation knife 58 10 7.5 smooth
White gas pop top, cut 3 N/A N/A repurposed
Motor oil Unknown 1 11.5 x 6 20 N/A
Aluminum tab 3 12 6 2 pepsi, 1 7 
pop up
Steel can plastic cap 1 17.5 15.5 N/A
Steel can Unknown 1 17.5 15.5 8 ribs 
Pop can 2 holes 34 12 6 pepsi, crush, 
coke
Pop can triangular 9 12 6 N/A
Pop can square tab 27 12 6 non modern
Spork Unknown 6 5.5x5 9.5 N/A
2L powdered plastic cap 4 12 10 N/A
juice
Tomato 2 holes 1 11.5 8.5 N/A
Juice
Motor oil N/A 1 16 10 N/A
Plain can N/A 5 10 10 N/A
Corn syrup N/A 1 13 14 N/A
Glass bottle N/A 2 N/A N/A instant 
coffee
Jar N/A 5 N/A N/A undknown
Mason jar N/A 2 12 8
Glass bottle N/A 1 N/A N/A N/A
Can N/A 17 11 7.5 14 ribs
Large ribbed N/A 6 12 10 6 ribs
Ferric N/A 23 11.5 x 68.5 N/A 6 ribs 
Enamle tea N/A 1 N/A N/A N/A
pot 
Enamle tea N/A 2 N/A N/A N/A
cups 
 282
Cabin 8  
 Cabin 8 was observed during the boat survey of the shoreline. Thought to be the 
houses of Laura, Annbela & Betsy. Cabin 8 is actually a group of structures: two large 
collapsed structures and one small upright one. One of the structures is now collapsed, 
made of 2x4’s and milled lumber and is smaller and simpler than the second nearby 
building. The larger house is also partially collapsed with multiple rooms indicating the 
construction of additions during its history of occupation. The central (older) part of the 
building is composed of logs, while the additions were constructed from milled lumber. A 
very small log cabin stands behind the collapsed houses and is interpreted to be pantry 
 The two collapsed structures are located on the terrace edge immediately 
overlooking the shoreline, with dock pilings for a dock in the shallows immediately in 
front of the cabins. Interpretations on the structures seem that the smaller more 
collapsed iteration of the cabins was the original house lived in and the larger built 
beside it later. Within the Cabin multiple wood stoves are found. As rooms were 
constructed and added, new wood stoves would be placed to heat the additional space. 
Additional features found: 
● Cassette tapes, and board 
games,  
● Traps 
● Electrical wiring through 
the cabins 
● Stove/kitchen area 
● Full-sized wood stove (old)  
● Lawnmower present in one 
of the collapsed structures.  
● Dock p resen t on the Plate E.29, Over flight photo of Cabin 8 by drone.
shoreline 
2  83
Cabin 9 - Rooster cabin 
The cabin marks a cluster of 
housing structures at the end of Old 
Slate Falls roughly 1.5km to the east 
of the Mission House (Plates E4 & 
E5). The waterfront drops to a 
cobbled beach with pilings in place 
that would support a dock for 
floatplane drop offs and easy boat 
access.  
Plate E.30, Cabin 9, photograph taken by drone.
The most recent structure 
has plastic side sheeting and 
d o u b l e p a n e d w i n d o w s ; 
additions made by a volunteer 
community that came through in 
the 1990’s. a oil barrel wood 
stove sits in the middle of the 
cabin. The interior is finished 
with plywood. According to 
locals this house was finished 
by a non-profit organization 
coming through the area in the 
1980’s. 
Plate E.31, Cabin 9, Sketch 
documenting cabin structure by 
hand
2  84
Plate E.32, Cabin 9, Sketch documenting cabin structure by hand
 285
Plate E.33, Cabin 9, Sketch documenting cabin structure by hand
 286
2  87
Congratulations weary traveller, you’ve made it to the end.
 288